Violent extremism has become an increasing problem. By violent extremism you mean that there are motives for wanting to reform or abolish a form of government. In Sweden's case, it is about reforming democracy, where three main movements are leading; the autonomous environment, the white power environment and the islamist extremist environment. The sources used are information from the Government Offices, the Security Police, Sweden’s parliament and a report from SVT News, a report from FBI Government, statistics from european member states of terrorism in Europe in 2019, taken from Graphic News, as well as an interview with Ewa-Gun Westford, press spokesperson within the police region South. The movements have become larger in recent years and more visible than before, which is mainly due to the development of the digital. The internet and social media have provided a great platform to be able to inspire, recruit and spread propaganda, quickly and without problems. Relevant and important topics today such as racism, xenophobia, etc. are tools for these movements to grow and gain a large number of followers in a short time. It creates a huge insecurity for people around these movements that they have become increasingly visible, and that brutal videos in the form of beatings and executions made by these movements can move around freely on the internet. Threats, violence and harassment of individuals with or outside these movements are common, which also leads to threats to democracy, security, life and health for all parties.

In this thesis, I examine the global implications of the "War on Terror" by exploring how China exploits the discourses of the "War on Terror" to justify the internment of Uyghur Muslims. In the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region, the Chinese government is responsible for human rights abuses, violations, and genocide of Uyghur Muslims and other Turkic minority groups. In 2018, it was reported that approximately more than one million Uyghur Muslims and other Muslim minorities in China have disappeared and are subject to arbitrary detention, surveillance, forced labour, forced sterilization, and regulations which restrict religious and cultural expression in supposed "counter-extremism centers" allegedly committed to political indoctrination fighting terrorism (Human Rights Watch, 2021; United Nations Human Rights, 2018). This study explores the processes and practices used to deny the internment of the Uyghur Muslim population. I achieve this through my research question, which aims to explore: How the Chinese government manufactures and justifies its own "War on Terror" by suppressing Uyghur Muslims and simultaneously denying the use of internment camps? I analyzed pro-government national China Daily English newspaper articles from 2001-2020 using qualitative content analysis to answer this research question. As a result, my main argument is that the Chinese government has manufactured and exacerbated a domestic "terrorism" problem by exploiting the discourses of the "War on Terror" to justify its internment of Uyghur Muslims. Simultaneously, the Chinese government has produced a deflection campaign committed to diverting criticisms and denying the use of internment camps under the guise of the "War on Terror." I conclude this thesis by presenting the need for additional research to explore how other countries in the East might also suppress different racialized groups in the context of the "War on Terror."

The laws of war ha e existed e er since warfare began. The sources of these laws are much more diverse and complex than national laws. They include conventions such as the Hague & the Gene a Con entions to war crime special courts such as the Nuremberg War Trials. The laws of war have brought the international community together to limit the barbaric fighting that was practiced during armed conflicts. Today, however the post 9/11 world is dealing with a different kind of war. The war on terrorism that was lunched after the terrorist attacks of 9/11 certainly requires different rules and procedures and my study attempts to develop a new legislation that would effectively deal with the new challenges of the War on Terror. My thesis examines the different international documents that deal with issues arising during armed conflicts such as the treatment and prosecution of detainees. In addition, my study also considers the approach of the United States government to the war on terror. The Supreme Court case of Hamdan v. Rumsfeld 548 U.S. _ (2006) was the most important case as it deemed that many practices of the Bush Administration were unconstitutional and therefore a new approach was needed. I finally end with some recommendations that I strongly believe would strength our war on terrorism while respecting basic principles of justice and fairness.

The present study seeks to determine the relationship between Terror Management Theory (TMT) and various measures of existential anxiety, future consciousness, and future-oriented thinking. By using TMT as a theoretical construct, a scale was devised to measure participants’ protective behaviors relating to the COVID-19 pandemic. Three other scales were utilized, including Lalot’s Future Consciousness Scale (FCS), Strathman’s Consideration of Future Consequences Scale (CFCS), and Weems’ Existential Anxiety Questionnaire (EAQ). The scales were combined into one composite survey along with demographic questions. 315 participants were then administered the collection of scales via an only survey platform. Results indicated strong significant correlations between the scale developed and the three other scales utilized. Multiple linear regression analyses revealed the three scales utilized were strong predictor variables of proximal and distal protective behaviors as predicted by TMT. The possibilities for future research include expansion of the knowledge regarding protective behaviors during widespread health issues, and how to design programs to maximize protective behaviors to minimize health risks.

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