Suicide terrorism is characterized by the willingness of physically and psychologically war-trained individuals to die while destroying or attempting to annihilate enemy targets in furtherance of certain political or social objectives. Rooted in the historical, social, and psychological dimensions of international terrorism, suicide terrorism is neither a unique nor a new phenomenon. Its recent resurgence and the extensive media coverage it has received account for the misleading uniqueness of this violent, complex, and adaptive form of terrorism. This qualitative study examines the definitional and rhetorical processes by which suicide terrorism is socially constructed. Using a social constructionist theoretical framework coupled with a symbolic interactionist approach, this multi-case study effectively moves the analysis of suicide bombings beyond essentialist debates on asymmetrical warfare or terrorism and into a more nuanced appreciation of cultural meaning and human interaction. Hence this case study emphasizes how the interpretive understanding of suicide terrorism is associated with a biased representation of events and their alleged causes that is conditioned by deliberate attempts to stigmatize ideological enemies, manipulate public perceptions, and promote certain political interests. The primary research question is: How are socio-political processes, bureaucratic imperatives, and media structures involved in the social construction of suicide terrorism? Secondary research questions focus on determining how suicide terrorism is (a) a political weapon, (b) a communication tool, and (c) a politicized issue that fits into a moral panic framework. Methods used to conduct the analysis include in-depth interviews (phenomenological and elite interviewing) and document analysis (general document review and historical review). Findings highlight the interactions between suicide bombers (as contemporary folk devils), the news and entertainment media, the public, and agents of social control (politicians, lawmakers, law enforcement, and action groups), and their respective roles in the social construction of suicide terrorism. The limitations of the study, its significant theoretical and practical implications, as well as suggestions for future research are discussed.

Under the competences of the European Union's intergovernmentally controlled Justice and Home Affairs policy, counter-terrorist co-operation and co-ordination of efforts have progressed at a rapid pace following the 11 September attacks on the USA. Given, however, that Europe has experienced entrenched terrorist campaigns for the past three decades, one could be forgiven for questioning, in light of the unique co-operative position of Western Europe, why it has taken so long for the membership of the EU to reach a common definition of terrorism. Also why is it that even now, the EU has failed to develop a common policy against terrorism? Political explanations are traditional responses to such questions, but there is a risk of underestimating the complexities of the European Project, and the effect which this has had on so many areas of transnational co-operation. By focusing therefore on the often-overlooked role played by European integration on counter-terrorist co-operation, in addition to empirical analysis of the efficiency of the co-operative structures, we place ourselves in a more beneficial position to understand the current situation. Intergovernmentalism, the controlling force of JHA co-operation, we find is not mutually exclusive to law-enforcement co-operation. Two theories tested for supranational influences - neo-functionalism and federalism - have also played their part, from the early 1960s onwards, in facilitating co-operation. The historical emphasis is important, because co-operation prior to the regulation of much of this area within the EU, following the Treaties of Economic Union, provides us with ample material for analysis and greater insight into the JHA process and counter-terrorism. Intergovernmentalism has helped push counter-terrorist co-operation along, but equally we find that it now serves as a hindrance in completing its development because of its in-built tendency to retain subsidiarity. Counter terrorist co-operation, we conclude, need not be restricted to intergovernmental control any longer.

The contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other'. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London's ‘suspect community' and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London's Metropolitan Police Service's Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth' and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.

Much of the first generation literature on counter terrorist financing made sweeping generalisations and observations regarding these interventions based on relatively limited case study data. Given that the UK approach to counter terrorism clearly attests to the symbiosis between terrorism and money, this thesis evaluates the contemporary relevance of Cicero's aphorism that “the sinews of war are infinite money.” Drawing on a series of discussions and formal interviews with CTF practitioners into several of the most recent high profile terror attacks in the United Kingdom, it confirms a notable shift in terrorist financing methodology in recent years and underscores the trend towards increasing operational independence and financial autonomy. It thus considers the continuing centrality of money in the terrorism equation and has been framed specifically to examine the financing challenges posed by domestic terror cells in the UK, given the trend towards low cost terrorism with its emphasis on self sufficiency and the emergence of more discreet and ‘criminally sterile' funding methodologies. This thesis is primarily concerned with reviewing the efficacy of the UK counter terrorism-financing (CTF) model as perceived by practitioners, both in policy terms and in the context of operational outcomes. The increasing emphasis on new funding methodologies and the ensuing lack of visibility and opportunities for interdiction at the conspiracy phase of terrorist plots, further highlights the operational challenges posed for practitioners in confronting these ‘new' threats. As such, this research encourages several new perspectives, including a review of UK corporate knowledge on previous CTF interventions and consideration of military ‘threat finance' practice to deliver greater operational impact. In particular, it advocates a new focus on micro CTF interventions to address changes in the ‘economy of terror'. Finally, this thesis strongly attests to the continued relevance of finance or more specifically, the 'financial footprint' to inform and provide intelligence insight for counter terrorism responses generally. In doing so, it also considers the impact on privacy from increasingly intrusive financial and digital data collection and the trade-offs that inevitably emerge when liberty and security collide.

Although there has been a wealth of academic literature which has examined counter-terrorism, both in the general sense and in case study focused approaches, there has seldom been an engagement in terrorism studies literature on the nature of the state itself and how this impacts upon the particular response to terrorism. Existing literature has a tendency to either examine one branch of the state or to treat (explicitly or implicitly) the state as a unitary actor. This thesis challenges the view of the state as a unitary actor, looking beneath the surface of the state, investigating intra-state dynamics and the consequences for counter-terrorism. I highlight that the state by its nature is ‘peopled', demonstrating through comparative analysis of case studies from Spain, France, and the United Kingdom, how the individual identities and dispositions of state personnel at all levels from elites to entry level positions determine the nature and characteristics of particular states. I show that if we accept that the state is peopled, we must pay attention to a series of traits that I argue all states exhibit to understand why campaigns of counter-terrorism take the shape and form that they do. I posit that we must understand the role that emotional and visceral action by state personnel in response to terrorism plays, how the character of particular state organisations can impact upon the trajectory of conflicts, and how issues of intra-state competition and coordination can frustrate even the best laid counter-terrorism strategies. Furthermore, I show how the propensity for sub- state political violence to ‘terrorise' populations makes the response to terrorism a powerful political tool, and how it has been deployed in the past for political gain rather than purely as an instrument to improve security. I conclude that future academic analyses of counter-terrorism must take this into consideration, and likewise, state personnel must be mindful of the nature and character of their state should they wish to effectively prevent terrorism and protect human rights and the rule of law.

The current study utilizes Critical Discourse Analysis and Thematic Analysis to study newspaper coverage of F.B.I. sting operations in The New York Times, Washington Post, and USA Today. F.B.I. sting operations are a modern counter-terrorism policy designed to preempt acts of terrorism. This study develops a theoretical approach to understanding F.B.I. sting operations by reviewing the critique of security. The critique of security suggests that nations construct threats in order to produce and maintain ideological and practical hegemony. Thematic categories of the newspaper discourse are formulated and analyzed in the context of security. The study employs aspects of grounded theory for theoretical positioning. Findings suggest newspaper coverage of F.B.I. sting operations reflect and expand security in a number of important ways. Newspaper coverage provides information on a significant tactic used in the War on Terrorism and gives insight to the justification and reasoning for using that tactic. These pieces of information explain the interplay of security and counter-terrorism policy. However, findings also suggest security fosters positive relationships between nations, which requires repositioning aspects of the critique of security developed previously. Finally, newspaper discourse of F.B.I. sting operations helps contextualize the way modern counter-terrorism policy is ideologically configured. Findings show the dominant ideological configuration is security. The study considers how this framework contributes to a flawed understanding of the nature of peace.

University of Macau / Faculty of Law

Orientador: Roberto Romano da Silva / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T03:37:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeixeiraJunior_GeraldoAlves_D.pdf: 12974491 bytes, checksum: ef0f7aec2f638114c9a64bcca5d6be1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O pensamento sobre a razão de Estado pode ser dito fundamental para a política moderna, já que seu desenvolvimento inicial coincide com o do próprio surgimento do Estado. Onde crescia a razão de Estado, crescia o Estado, que por sua vez fomentava aquela política. Acusada de ocorrer à revelia da moral, essa circularidade e o acúmulo de poder que ela envolve foi certamente responsável por consolidar o Estado como instituição quaseuniversal. A consolidação das instituições estatais não extinguiu, contudo, a razão de Estado, que como técnica de poder ou como pretensa racionalidade superior acompanhou os distintos momentos da política. A presente pesquisa examina inicialmente o contexto histórico e intelectual que originou o pensamento sobre a razão de Estado a fim de permitir uma visão panorâmica do tema na teoria política. Após o estudo histórico discorre-se sobre os diversos elementos que compõem este tema e analisa-se os modos pelos quais eles operam na prática política. Nesta primeira parte são utilizados diversos textos de reconhecidos estudiosos do pensamento político, como Friedrich Meinecke, Carl J. Friedrich, Quentin Skinner e Michel Senellart, mas recorre-se também diretamente aos textos históricos de Nicolau Maquiavel, Giovanni Botero, Thomas Hobbes e Gabriel Naudé. No estágio seguinte aplica-se o estudo inicial a um caso concreto. São estudadas algumas ações políticas e jurídicas do governo dos Estados Unidos, assim como leis criadas para combater o terrorismo, notavelmente aquelas que entraram em vigor após os ataques que o país sofreu em 11 de setembro de 2001. Antes de abordar o ponto central recupera-se fatores históricos que influenciaram os rumos do Estado americano e alguns eventos que constituem precedentes importantes da política antiterror. Após a devida contextualização, o trabalho centra-se na análise de uma lei de 2001, o Patriot Act, e nas ações estatais que ela possibilitou nos anos seguintes. Na segunda parte do trabalho utiliza-se, além de textos acadêmicos, artigos jornalísticos, documentos oficiais do governo americano, textos de leis, jurisprudência e relatórios e declarações de setores da sociedade civil e de comentadores de temas jurídicos. O exame da doutrina da razão de Estado, aplicado ao caso específico dos Estados Unidos no referido contexto corrobora a tese, pormenorizada no capítulo conclusivo, de que as recentes formas de combate ao terrorismo recuperam e fortalecem o pensamento sobre a razão de Estado, agora na situação particular dos Estados liberais-democráticos / Abstract: Reason of State theories might be considered fundamental to modern politics for its beginning occurs together with the emergence of States themselves. Where reason of State was rising, it helped the State growth that, in turn, stimulated reason of State policies. Criticized for having put aside moral concerns, such circularity and the accumulation of power it produces may be pointed as an important cause leading to the consolidation of the State as a quasi-universal institution. Nonetheless, the States did not extinguished reason of State after being consolidated. As techniques or as a specific rationality it was adapted for each new context of politics. This work starts by investigating the historical and intellectual context that gave birth to reason of State in order to show a panoramic view of the theme in the political theory. After the historical study I analyse several elements which constitutes reason of State and I present how they operate in political practice. For this first part several texts of recognized academics of political thought are used, such as Friedrich Meinecke, Carl J. Friedrich, Quentin Skinner and Michel Senellart, but I also resort to the historical texts of Niccolo Machiavelli, Giovanni Botero, Thomas Hobbes and Gabriel Naudé. At the next stage the previous study is applied to a concrete case. I analyse political and judicial actions of the American government and some legislation created to combat terrorism, particularly those that went in force after the attacks the country suffered on September 11, 2001 (9/11). Before dealing with the main point I present historical events which have influenced the course of the United States politics and some important precedents of the anti-terror policies. After proper contextualization the study is focused on the 2001 law called Patriot Act and on the state actions it has authorized in the years that followed its creation. In the second part, besides academic texts and news articles, I make use of official documents, statute texts, judicial cases, reports and declarations of civil society organizations and of legal themes' commentators. The study of reason of State doctrine applied to the specific case of the United States at the mentioned context corroborates the thesis addressed at the conclusive chapter stating that the recent anti-terror policies revive and strengthen reason of State thought, now acting at the particular situation of liberal democracies / Doutorado / Filosofia / Doutor em Filosofia

The following dissertation develops a theoretical framework for guiding the strategy of democratic states in successfully countering the hostilities of nationalistic substate terrorist organizations (NSTOs), and effectively manipulating the terrorist group’s (and its supporting elements’) decision-making calculus. In particular, the theory of strategic coercion has been chosen as a basis for formulating this framework, based upon: 1) the invaluable guidance it offers in dynamically drawing upon all instruments of national power—economic, diplomatic, military, etc.—to accomplish politico-strategic objectives; and 2) the unique insights it provides into making strategic moves aimed at influencing the choices taken by an adversary. However, strategic coercion theory as it currently stands is inadequate for applications against substate terrorist organizations. As a quintessential cornerstone for prescriptive policy in strategic studies, such a looming deficiency vis-à-vis one the most important security threats of the modern age is unacceptable. The new theoretical framework established in this dissertation—entitled the Balance Theory of strategic coercion—addresses this deficiency. The Balance Theory stresses that three key coercive elements of strategic coercion are fundamentally important for successfully ending the hostilities posed by NSTOs, being: A) Isolation of external/international support; B) Denial; and C) Isolation of popular support. It posits that these three aspects of strategic coercion serve as the sine qua non for success in countering an NSTO’s campaign of violence and effectively manipulating its decision-making process. Implementation of these three elements, moreover, must be pursued in tandem, taking care so as not to sacrifice one aspect for the other. The Balance Theory is tested through the employment of case-study analysis. In pursuing this end, both cross-case and within-case analyses are performed, accompanied by the utilization of the methods of focused, structured comparison. The cases examined are those of: 1) The United Kingdom versus Republican NSTOs (1969-2007); and 2) Israel versus Palestinian NSTOs (1967-present). The dissertation concludes with an examination of how the Balance Theory may provide insights for the formulation of counter-terrorism strategy against Al Qaeda in the current "War on Terror".

The main focus of this thesis is to examine Israel's counter terrorism methods and their consequences and to debate the effectiveness of Israel's counter terrorism policy. By stimulating a debate on these issues it is possible to identify a more effective counter terrorism policy. In order to examine Israel's counter terrorism methods, their consequences and effectiveness, it is necessary to first explore the overall concepts of terrorism and counter terrorism. Then, because counter terrorism policy is hard to evaluate if one does not look at the context which surrounds it, this thesis will therefore explore some aspects of Israeli security history which has and continues to influence its counter terrorism policy. Furthermore, this thesis will provide an introduction to the general development of Palestinian resistance movements which will include a scrutiny of Hamas. This thesis has selected some of Israel's counter terrorism methods, and will be examining the width and depth of these methods as well as their consequences on the Palestinian society in general and on Hamas in particular. In seeking to answer the more general question about the effectiveness of Israel's counter terrorism policy the thesis will evaluate this aspect by relying on qualitative and quantitative indicators. This thesis will show that Israeli counter terrorism methods do reduce the capacity of Hamas and as such has prevented certain attacks or incapacitated Hamas' military wing for a limited time; they have, however, had a limited effect in the long run. It will be shown that these methods have consequences far beyond reducing the terrorist organisation capacity, which deepen the root causes for terrorism and increase the motivation to continue the resistance.