<p>Abstract</p><p>Title: The Junilistan in the elections of the European Parliament in 2004 A media drama in three acts</p><p>Number of pages: 42</p><p>Author: Kristiina Ruuti</p><p>Tutor: Amelie Hössjer</p><p>Course: Media and Communication Studies C</p><p>University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University</p><p>Date of submission: 2007-01-13, autumn term of 2006</p><p>Purpose/Aim:</p><p>The purpose of the essay is to examine the media coverage of the Swedish Junilistan in the elections of the European Parliament in Sweden 2004. My hypothesis is that the media coverage of the political party Junilistan was a media drama with elements of classical dramaturge.</p><p>Material/Method:</p><p>Qualitative content analyses of four Swedish newspapers from a narratological perspective.</p><p>Main results:</p><p>The media coverage of the political party Junilistan was a media drama with elements of classical dramaturge. The coverage became a drama with three acts. Diverse actors with different projects could be identified from the articles.</p><p>Keywords:</p><p>Narrative, election journalism, classic drama, mediadrama, actant, European parliament</p>

Abstract Title: The Junilistan in the elections of the European Parliament in 2004 A media drama in three acts Number of pages: 42 Author: Kristiina Ruuti Tutor: Amelie Hössjer Course: Media and Communication Studies C University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science, Uppsala University Date of submission: 2007-01-13, autumn term of 2006 Purpose/Aim: The purpose of the essay is to examine the media coverage of the Swedish Junilistan in the elections of the European Parliament in Sweden 2004. My hypothesis is that the media coverage of the political party Junilistan was a media drama with elements of classical dramaturge. Material/Method: Qualitative content analyses of four Swedish newspapers from a narratological perspective. Main results: The media coverage of the political party Junilistan was a media drama with elements of classical dramaturge. The coverage became a drama with three acts. Diverse actors with different projects could be identified from the articles. Keywords: Narrative, election journalism, classic drama, mediadrama, actant, European parliament

I denna uppsats undersöks om, och i så fall hur, man översätter könsneutralt på Europaparlamentet. Man kan översätta könsneutralt genom att till exempel skriva han eller hon, använda passiv eller plural. För att kunna undersöka hur man översätter könsneutralt, redogörs för vad genus och könsneutralt språk är, vilken roll genus spelar för denna typ av översättning, vilka olika genusaspekter som är viktiga för tyska och svenska, och terminologiska aspekter. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten bygger på feministisk lingvistisk och översättningsteoretisk litteratur som Simon, Thüne och Leonardi, Jobin och von Flotow. Material och metod baseras på interna dokument som Europaparlamentet gett ut. Jag har använt mig av Europaparlamentets arbetsordning som material och två rekommendationshäften om könsneutralt språk i Europaparlamentet som utgångspunkt. Därutöver gjorde jag intervjuer med två tyska och två svenska översättare på Europaparlamentet i Luxemburg. Resultaten visar att alla rekommendationer om könsneutralt språk faktiskt inte används, utan att man har valt olika strategier på tyska och svenska. I båda språken används passiv form och plural, medan användningen av pronomen skiljer sig mycket mellan de båda språken. Vidare ansågs omskrivning med substantivering som mycket tveksam och förekom inte heller i arbetsordningsanalysen. Det som undersöktes var adjektivböjningen och användningen av pronomen vad gäller funktionsbeteckningar i Europaparlamentets arbetsordning. Det visade sig vara lättare att översätta könsneutralt på svenska än på tyska. Han eller hon används inte på tyska, inte heller den så kallade Binnen-I med vilkens hjälp man kan markera båda könen på tyska. Sammanfattningsvis kan man säga att översättarna, med hjälp av rekommendationerna i de ovan nämnda häftena och sin egen språkkänsla försöker att formulera sina översättningar könsneutralt, och att könsneutralt språk i stort sett också återspeglas i Europaparlamentets arbetsordning. / This thesis is an empirical study on gender neutral translation at the European Parliament. In order to translate gender neutraly, the translator can write he or she, use passive-constructions or plural. In order to be able to analyze how a translator translates gender neutraly, I will first present how gender and gender neutral language is defined, how gender affects translation, which aspects are of importance for Swedish and German, as well as terminological aspects. The theoretical background is based on feminist linguistic and translation theory such as Simon, Thüne and Leonardi, Jobin and von Flotow. The research material and method are based on internal documents of the European Parliament, videlicet the Rules of Procedure and a broschure on gender neutral language. In addition, I interviewed translators of the European Parliament in Luxembourg, two of them being German and two of them being Swedish. It can be said that not all of the given recommendations for gender neutral language are used and that the usage differs in German and Swedish. Recommendations such as passive-constructions and plural are applied in both languages, while nominalization was considered to be questionable. Furthermore, the usage of functions, pronouns and adjectives in the Rules of Procedure was analyzed. In Swedish translations, the use of he and she is quite common, while it is not recommended for German, nor is the usage of Binnen-I for that matter. Summing up, it can be said that it is easier to translate and write gender neutraly in Swedish as in German and that all translators pay attention to the given recommendations and translate as gender neutral as possible, which is also reflected in the translation of the Rules of Procedure.

This thesis analyzes the cohesiveness, and voting likeliness of the political groups in the European Parliament on Turkey between 1980-1996. The thesis consists of two main parts: in the first part the structure, and historical evoluation of the European Parliament has been analyzed. In the second part, the changes in Turkish politics between 1980-96, and the cohesiveness, and voting alliances of the political groups have been analyzed by using roll call vote data.

This thesis studies women politicians’ journey along the path from candidates to elected representatives in party list proportional representation (PR list) systems. While past literature provides sufficient evidence that more women are elected in proportional electoral systems than in majority / plurality systems, there is limited research explaining the differences in women’s representation across varying types of PR list systems. This thesis aims to fill that gap, by focusing primarily on the election of women across preferential (open and ordered list systems) and non-preferential (closed list systems) PR list voting systems. Moreover, unlike the vast majority of previous research, which has relied on aggregate level data only, this research investigates the election of women at the individual candidate level. Such an approach allows the present thesis to consider, next to traditional aggregate level predictors, how party gatekeepers and the news media may either support or hinder women in progressing from candidates to elected representatives. Since the focus is set on the 2009 European Parliament elections, this thesis investigates the process of electing women cross-nationally. The results show that female candidates have a higher likelihood of being elected in non-preferential closed list voting systems than in preferential ordered list voting systems. The results suggest that this is the case because, first, party gatekeepers in ordered list systems place women in less viable electoral list positions than party gatekeepers in closed list systems; second, media cover female candidates less in ordered list systems compared to closed list systems; and finally, female candidates in ordered list systems fail to make up their less competitive starting position with preference votes because preference votes in ordered list systems do not significantly alter the initial party list rankings.

Das Europäische Parlament ist zweifelsohne die mächtigste parlamentarische Versammlung auf supranationaler Ebene. Das provoziert die Frage, wie Entscheidungen in diesem Parlament gefällt werden und wie sie begründet werden können. Darin liegt das Hauptanliegen dieser Arbeit, die zur Beantwortung dieser Frage auf soziologische Ansätze der Erklärung sozialen Handelns zurückgreift und damit einen neuen Zugang zur Beobachtung parlamentarischen Handelns schafft. Dabei arbeitet sie heraus, wie wichtig es ist, bei der Analyse politischer Entscheidungsprozesse zu beachten, wie politische Probleme von Akteuren interpretiert und gegenüber Verhandlungspartnern dargestellt werden. An den Fallbeispielen der Entscheidungsprozesse zur Dienstleistungsrichtlinie, zur Chemikalien-Verordnung REACH und dem TDIP (CIA)-Ausschuss in der Legislaturperiode 2004–2009, wird der soziale Mechanismus dargestellt, der hinter Einigungen im Europäischen Parlament steckt. Kultur als Interpretation der Welt wird so zum Schlüssel des Verständnisses politischer Entscheidungen auf supranationaler Ebene. / The European Parliament is the most powerful parliamentary assembly on the supranational level. However, the question of how and why decisions are being taken in this parliament has been insufficiently addressed so far. This is the main aim of this book, which draws on sociological theories for explaining social action and thus opens up a new approach to the analysis of parliamentary action. It argues that it is necessary to take into account how actors interpret political problems and how they relate to their counterparts in negotiations. In three case studies on decision-making processes in the 6th European Parliament between 2004 and 2009 - Services Directive, REACH and the TDIP (CIA-)committee – the study reconstructs the social mechanism behind compromise in the EP. Culture as the way actors attach meaning to the world is the key to understanding political decisions on the supranational level.

This thesis aims to analyze the similarities and differences in how identity is constructed by the European Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament regarding the Polish membership and the potential Turkish membership of the European Union. The construction of identity is analyzed through a social constructivist perspective where identity is constructed by distinguishing ”us” from ”them”. The research metod used is a qualitative text analysis. The arguments of identity are taken from the Commission’s and the Council’s documents, as well as from the debates of the European Parliament. The arguments of identity refer to the official accession criterias of the European Union, as well as to inofficial criterias formulated by the members of the European Parliament. Arguments used are for example that Polish and Turkish standards are not the same as the European standard, that the European norms need to be integrated into the Polish and Turkish constitutions and that Poland and Turkey are too poor to become members of the European Union. The result also shows that the construction of a European identity built on a common culture has had the greatest impact in the European Parliament and the European Commission.

Thesis (doctoral)--Freie Universität, Berlin, 2003.

Welfare and questions regarding social security have historically been a concern of the nation state, but the development of the European Union’s integration project has created a necessity for an international legal framework that covers that specific field. It has been found that international cooperation on welfare issues is not such an easy task, and numerous scholars have given different answers to why this has been the case. The purpose of this study is to examine if there exists a path dependency in the argumentations in the European parliamentary debates through the following research question: Is it able to see signs of path dependency concerning welfare regimes in the debates of the European parliament and do these affect how far the EU is willing to go concerning the development of the social citizenship, or has this more to do with the ideological stances between party group affiliations? Gösta Esping-Andersen suggests an almost path dependent development of welfare regimes and suggests that they have an impact on political behavior, and his theory on welfare regimes has been used in this study.  This study has been conducted through an analysis of plenary debates in the European parliament between the years 2001-2010 using Toulmin's argumentation analysis model which focuses on deducing underlying warrants in the statements. Based on this model, the result is that the debates are an ideological conflict. The difference in opinion between the representatives are rather ideologically influenced than based on the path dependence of welfare regimes.

This diploma thesis is focused on the analysis of the current relationship of Christianity and the European Union, namely the positions of political fractions in the European Parliament to the values derived from the teachings of the Roman Catholic Church. In the work there are analyzed the political programs of the four major parties of the European Parliament (EPP, S&D, ALDE, Greens)and examined level of representation of Christian values. The work is divided into five main chapters. The first chapter is a theoretical part, which forms the theoretical basis, in which the whole work is further conceived. In the second chapter, there are characterized the relations between Christianity and the European Union, respectively, the influence of Christianity on the formation of the European Union. The third chapter delas with the cooperation between the Roman Catholic Church and the European Union. The fourth chapter deals with the determination of Christian values. There are defined and characterized the basic Christian values as contained in the Compendium of the social doctrine of the Church. In the final chapter there ate analyzed the actual political programs four largest parties of the European Parliament. Programs are analyzed in terms of their relation to the defined Christian values.