This thesis is about EU energy security in relation to Russia and its proposed Nord Stream 2 project. In this thesis the Copenhagen School theory on securitisation is applied with the help of a combination of content analysis and discourse analysis as methods, which will together with the theory become the framework of this study. While the focal point will fall on EU’s Parliament and how the project Nord Stream 2 is securitised within this EU structure, where the project itself will serve as an exhibitory example of the energy security relationship between EU and Russia. The main findings that are made in this thesis are that the securitising actors in the debate are the countries not the political parties and that Russia, not Nord Stream 2 is the true object of securitisation. In addition to that it was established that there is little unity amongst the EU member states, which is supported by the finding in previous academic studies that have been conducted within the field.

Temporary agency work - it's legislation as well as its practise is the main topic of this thesis. It aims not only legal, but also economical and some other aspects. The issue is becoming more and more important in relation with unexpected changes at employment market. Number of temporary agency workers is expected to rise in near future. This is resulting from expectations for high-standard legislation providing efficient protection especially for temporary agency workers. The first aim is to summarize contemporary legislation in the Czech Republic, European Union and International Labour Organization. Next purpose is to point out its main problems and interpretation difficulties. Selected chapters illustrate the approach of temporary work agencies to some disputable provisions of a statute. The thesis is composed of fourteen chapters, each of them dealing with different aspects of temporary agency work. Chapter One is introductory and defines concept of temporary agency work, focuses on situation on employment market and describes the development of legislation. Chapter Two provides outline of sources of legislation in the area of temporary agency work in the Czech Republic, European Union and International Labour Organization. Chapters Three to Ten deal with basic subjects taking part in...

A integração regional denominada Mercado Comum do Sul – MERCOSUL – gera um processo de transbordamento para diversos setores sociais dos países membros, induzido pela necessidade de minoração do déficit democrático, entendido como falta de representação e acesso às decisões do MERCOSUL e combinado com a falta de controle, de transparência e de responsabilização dos atores decisórios. A União Europeia, assim como o Parlamento Europeu, possui mecanismos que visam a minorar o déficit democrático existente na integração regional e podem servir de modelo para o MERCOSUL. A comparação entre a UE e o MERCOSUL, e entre o PARLASUL e o PE se utiliza de mecanismos de aproximação de teorias e de metodologias que possibilitam a análise comparada em nível histórico, institucional, jurídico e político. Ao longo da tese, foram analisadas as atribuições, o controle e a fiscalização, a legitimidade, a participação e a representação no PARLASUL e no PE. As principais fontes dos dados utilizados nesta tese são documentos, tratados e protocolos internacionais, regimentos, legislação e entrevistas realizadas com autoridades relacionadas com o MERCOSUL, especialmente parlamentares do PARLASUL. A utilização do capital social na integração regional pode minorar o déficit democrático e colaborar na criação e na consolidação de redes que qualificam e facilitam a participação e a ação política mais transparente e democrática. A utilização dos pressupostos da democracia pode diminuir a percepção negativa das populações dos países membros do MERCOSUL, em relação às instituições e aos partidos políticos. As proposições da presente tese refletem uma necessidade de adaptação da integração regional aos valores democráticos, representados pela democracia (mais) participativa. Um modelo institucional que indica uma maior participação da sociedade civil e das populações na integração regional, no escopo de minorar o alto déficit democrático existente, é viável a partir da eleição de parte dos representantes do PARLASUL com fortes vínculos associativos, com capital social legitimado e reconhecido socialmente. / The Regional integration known as the Southern Common Market - MERCOSUL, generates the spill over effect for various social sectors of the member countries induces the need for mitigation of the democratic deficit, understood as a lack of representation and access in the decisions of MERCOSUL, combined with the lack of control, transparency and accountability decision-making actors. The European Union, and the European Parliament have mechanisms to reduce the existing democratic deficit in regional integration, and can serve as a model for MERCOSUL. The comparison between the UE and MERCOSUL, and between PARLASUL and the European Parliament uses approaching mechanisms, theories and methodologies that enable comparative analysis in historical, institutional, legal and political level. Assignments were analyzed, control and oversight, legitimacy, participation and representation in PARLASUL and the European Parliament. The main sources of the data used in the thesis are documents, international treaties and protocols, regulations, legislation and interviews with related authorities with MERCOSUL, especially PARLASUL’s parliamentarians. The use of social capital in regional integration can reduce the democratic deficit and contribute to the creation and consolidation of networks that qualify and facilitate participation and more transparent and democratic political action. The use of democracy assumptions may decrease the negative perception of people in MERCOSUL member countries, the institutions, and political parties. Propositions of this thesis reflect a need for adaptation of regional integration to democratic values represented by democracy (more) participatory. An institutional model that indicates a greater involvement of civil society and populations in the regional integration, in scope to mitigate high existing democratic deficit, it is feasible from the part of election the representatives of PARLASUL with strong associative links, with the social capital legitimated and recognized socially.

Muslims and islam are unquestionably a part of European social life. In recent times, however, different events, such as the enlargement of the EU and the fact that muslims to a higher extent demand their rights, have brought a number of questions to the fore concerning muslims and islam in Europe. Moreover, we can see an increasing level of islamophobia in contemporary Europe, but also that the EU has launched several programs to increase both the diversity and the unity throughout the Union and to combat islamophobia. However, most of these programs focus on islam as religion and muslims in general, and such a narrow viewpoint runs the risk of missing important issues. In this new context it would be interesting to widen the scope and ask what place not only the muslim community and islam, but also sharia (an important element in islam), may have in future Europe – especially when it comes to muslim identity? My main objects are to see how the concept of sharia is constructed in the debates in the European Parliament, how that discourse relates to a social practice – the increasing islamophobic ideas in Europe – and what effect this may have on muslim identity in a European context. The results shows that the Parliament constructs sharia as, for example, something archaic, threatening, inhuman and misogynistic. In that sense, the discourse fits in with the predominant order of discourse regarding islam and muslims (in Europe) – and strengthen it. Though my results are neither absolute nor uniform, they show, persuasively enough, that sharia (as it is seen by the Parliament) is not consistent with and can not be included in or accepted by “European norms and values”. However, this must be said with one reservation: sharia is not always excluded as a whole. Still, it is not difficult to maintain that it is sharia as such that activates the (negative and) excluding connotations. Thus, an “approved” European muslim identity, as it seems, can not have too close connections with sharia, if (any) at all. Moreover, there is a risk that muslims themselves take on a restricting practice concerning their identity. In all, this will to a large extent circumscribe the possible muslim identities in Europe. To form a substantial and really pluralistic diversity in Europe, the EU, and others, must liberate itself from the logic of these discourses. But this is not an easy thing to do. One way that might be profitable, is to challenge the prevailing discourse with new narratives – narratives and voices that for the most part must come from the muslims themselves. Despite the fact that these voices do exist, as has been shown, the question is how and under what circumstances they can be seen – or rather heard. Unfortunately the answer is not to be found in this thesis; the need of further research is obvious.

Univ., Diss.--Köln, 2006. / Literaturverz. S. XIX - XLII.

Muslims and islam are unquestionably a part of European social life. In recent times, however, different events, such as the enlargement of the EU and the fact that muslims to a higher extent demand their rights, have brought a number of questions to the fore concerning muslims and islam in Europe. Moreover, we can see an increasing level of islamophobia in contemporary Europe, but also that the EU has launched several programs to increase both the diversity and the unity throughout the Union and to combat islamophobia. However, most of these programs focus on islam as religion and muslims in general, and such a narrow viewpoint runs the risk of missing important issues. In this new context it would be interesting to widen the scope and ask what place not only the muslim community and islam, but also sharia (an important element in islam), may have in future Europe – especially when it comes to muslim identity? My main objects are to see how the concept of sharia is constructed in the debates in the European Parliament, how that discourse relates to a social practice – the increasing islamophobic ideas in Europe – and what effect this may have on muslim identity in a European context. The results shows that the Parliament constructs sharia as, for example, something archaic, threatening, inhuman and misogynistic. In that sense, the discourse fits in with the predominant order of discourse regarding islam and muslims (in Europe) – and strengthen it. Though my results are neither absolute nor uniform, they show, persuasively enough, that sharia (as it is seen by the Parliament) is not consistent with and can not be included in or accepted by “European norms and values”. However, this must be said with one reservation: sharia is not always excluded as a whole. Still, it is not difficult to maintain that it is sharia as such that activates the (negative and) excluding connotations. Thus, an “approved” European muslim identity, as it seems, can not have too close connections with sharia, if (any) at all. Moreover, there is a risk that muslims themselves take on a restricting practice concerning their identity. In all, this will to a large extent circumscribe the possible muslim identities in Europe. To form a substantial and really pluralistic diversity in Europe, the EU, and others, must liberate itself from the logic of these discourses. But this is not an easy thing to do. One way that might be profitable, is to challenge the prevailing discourse with new narratives – narratives and voices that for the most part must come from the muslims themselves. Despite the fact that these voices do exist, as has been shown, the question is how and under what circumstances they can be seen – or rather heard. Unfortunately the answer is not to be found in this thesis; the need of further research is obvious.

A integração regional denominada Mercado Comum do Sul – MERCOSUL – gera um processo de transbordamento para diversos setores sociais dos países membros, induzido pela necessidade de minoração do déficit democrático, entendido como falta de representação e acesso às decisões do MERCOSUL e combinado com a falta de controle, de transparência e de responsabilização dos atores decisórios. A União Europeia, assim como o Parlamento Europeu, possui mecanismos que visam a minorar o déficit democrático existente na integração regional e podem servir de modelo para o MERCOSUL. A comparação entre a UE e o MERCOSUL, e entre o PARLASUL e o PE se utiliza de mecanismos de aproximação de teorias e de metodologias que possibilitam a análise comparada em nível histórico, institucional, jurídico e político. Ao longo da tese, foram analisadas as atribuições, o controle e a fiscalização, a legitimidade, a participação e a representação no PARLASUL e no PE. As principais fontes dos dados utilizados nesta tese são documentos, tratados e protocolos internacionais, regimentos, legislação e entrevistas realizadas com autoridades relacionadas com o MERCOSUL, especialmente parlamentares do PARLASUL. A utilização do capital social na integração regional pode minorar o déficit democrático e colaborar na criação e na consolidação de redes que qualificam e facilitam a participação e a ação política mais transparente e democrática. A utilização dos pressupostos da democracia pode diminuir a percepção negativa das populações dos países membros do MERCOSUL, em relação às instituições e aos partidos políticos. As proposições da presente tese refletem uma necessidade de adaptação da integração regional aos valores democráticos, representados pela democracia (mais) participativa. Um modelo institucional que indica uma maior participação da sociedade civil e das populações na integração regional, no escopo de minorar o alto déficit democrático existente, é viável a partir da eleição de parte dos representantes do PARLASUL com fortes vínculos associativos, com capital social legitimado e reconhecido socialmente. / The Regional integration known as the Southern Common Market - MERCOSUL, generates the spill over effect for various social sectors of the member countries induces the need for mitigation of the democratic deficit, understood as a lack of representation and access in the decisions of MERCOSUL, combined with the lack of control, transparency and accountability decision-making actors. The European Union, and the European Parliament have mechanisms to reduce the existing democratic deficit in regional integration, and can serve as a model for MERCOSUL. The comparison between the UE and MERCOSUL, and between PARLASUL and the European Parliament uses approaching mechanisms, theories and methodologies that enable comparative analysis in historical, institutional, legal and political level. Assignments were analyzed, control and oversight, legitimacy, participation and representation in PARLASUL and the European Parliament. The main sources of the data used in the thesis are documents, international treaties and protocols, regulations, legislation and interviews with related authorities with MERCOSUL, especially PARLASUL’s parliamentarians. The use of social capital in regional integration can reduce the democratic deficit and contribute to the creation and consolidation of networks that qualify and facilitate participation and more transparent and democratic political action. The use of democracy assumptions may decrease the negative perception of people in MERCOSUL member countries, the institutions, and political parties. Propositions of this thesis reflect a need for adaptation of regional integration to democratic values represented by democracy (more) participatory. An institutional model that indicates a greater involvement of civil society and populations in the regional integration, in scope to mitigate high existing democratic deficit, it is feasible from the part of election the representatives of PARLASUL with strong associative links, with the social capital legitimated and recognized socially.

This thesis examines how American and German constitutionalism, as shaped by the U.S. Supreme Court and the German Constitutional Court (Bundesverfassungsgericht), have mediated the tension between threats to stability and the imperative of renewal through occasional or constant interventions in their democratic processes. To do this, it primarily assesses the 1960s U.S. reapportionment cases and the European Parliament electoral threshold cases of 2011 and 2014. It also considers the ideas of four thinkers, theorists and jurists who have wrestled with the dilemma of how to maintain the bond between citizen and state: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Hannah Arendt, Thomas Jefferson and Alexis de Tocqueville. Stability and renewal represent the twin orientation points for constitutionalism and the courts against which they must adjust to possible democratic threats, or new political and social forces in need of recognition. Threats to the state can emerge either from a surfeit of illiberal views in politics and society aimed at destroying an existing constitutional order, or when democratic channels become starved of new opinions through the constitutional or unconstitutional exclusion of voters and parties. A distinctive feature of the approach taken is the conceptual division between the ‘legal/institutional' space in which the Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht interpret constitutional meaning, and the ‘civic space' in which citizens accept or reject constitutional meaning. One central question is how American and German constitutionalism, and the U.S. Supreme Court and Bundesverfassungsgericht shape and influence the vital civic space that is integral to the democratic relationship between citizen and state, and the survival of the state itself. Ultimately it is concluded that without acceptance of the importance of law and constitutionalism by citizens in the civic space, the influence of the Supreme Court and the Bundesverfassungsgericht becomes purely institutional and effectively consigned to the courtroom.

A integração regional denominada Mercado Comum do Sul – MERCOSUL – gera um processo de transbordamento para diversos setores sociais dos países membros, induzido pela necessidade de minoração do déficit democrático, entendido como falta de representação e acesso às decisões do MERCOSUL e combinado com a falta de controle, de transparência e de responsabilização dos atores decisórios. A União Europeia, assim como o Parlamento Europeu, possui mecanismos que visam a minorar o déficit democrático existente na integração regional e podem servir de modelo para o MERCOSUL. A comparação entre a UE e o MERCOSUL, e entre o PARLASUL e o PE se utiliza de mecanismos de aproximação de teorias e de metodologias que possibilitam a análise comparada em nível histórico, institucional, jurídico e político. Ao longo da tese, foram analisadas as atribuições, o controle e a fiscalização, a legitimidade, a participação e a representação no PARLASUL e no PE. As principais fontes dos dados utilizados nesta tese são documentos, tratados e protocolos internacionais, regimentos, legislação e entrevistas realizadas com autoridades relacionadas com o MERCOSUL, especialmente parlamentares do PARLASUL. A utilização do capital social na integração regional pode minorar o déficit democrático e colaborar na criação e na consolidação de redes que qualificam e facilitam a participação e a ação política mais transparente e democrática. A utilização dos pressupostos da democracia pode diminuir a percepção negativa das populações dos países membros do MERCOSUL, em relação às instituições e aos partidos políticos. As proposições da presente tese refletem uma necessidade de adaptação da integração regional aos valores democráticos, representados pela democracia (mais) participativa. Um modelo institucional que indica uma maior participação da sociedade civil e das populações na integração regional, no escopo de minorar o alto déficit democrático existente, é viável a partir da eleição de parte dos representantes do PARLASUL com fortes vínculos associativos, com capital social legitimado e reconhecido socialmente. / The Regional integration known as the Southern Common Market - MERCOSUL, generates the spill over effect for various social sectors of the member countries induces the need for mitigation of the democratic deficit, understood as a lack of representation and access in the decisions of MERCOSUL, combined with the lack of control, transparency and accountability decision-making actors. The European Union, and the European Parliament have mechanisms to reduce the existing democratic deficit in regional integration, and can serve as a model for MERCOSUL. The comparison between the UE and MERCOSUL, and between PARLASUL and the European Parliament uses approaching mechanisms, theories and methodologies that enable comparative analysis in historical, institutional, legal and political level. Assignments were analyzed, control and oversight, legitimacy, participation and representation in PARLASUL and the European Parliament. The main sources of the data used in the thesis are documents, international treaties and protocols, regulations, legislation and interviews with related authorities with MERCOSUL, especially PARLASUL’s parliamentarians. The use of social capital in regional integration can reduce the democratic deficit and contribute to the creation and consolidation of networks that qualify and facilitate participation and more transparent and democratic political action. The use of democracy assumptions may decrease the negative perception of people in MERCOSUL member countries, the institutions, and political parties. Propositions of this thesis reflect a need for adaptation of regional integration to democratic values represented by democracy (more) participatory. An institutional model that indicates a greater involvement of civil society and populations in the regional integration, in scope to mitigate high existing democratic deficit, it is feasible from the part of election the representatives of PARLASUL with strong associative links, with the social capital legitimated and recognized socially.

The problem of world poverty is appalling in human terms. Almost half of all the humankind lives below the poverty line of $2 per day, whereas affluent parts of the world continue to enjoy enormous technological and economical progress. In the light of such discrepancy, the debate in political philosophy regarding “global justice” has renewed significance. The current debate between those who agree global justice is important, is those who think that positive duties towards poor is enough, and those who think that morality requires a re-designation of the ground rules operating at the global level. The Cosmopolitan view grounds its theoretical framework in this second view. This study aims to analyse if, and how, the normative debate in the European Parliament reflects the assumptions, arguments and considerations of the Cosmopolitan approach. This study identifies central concepts of the Cosmopolitan approach, and then analyses how these concepts are discussed in the European Parliamentary debates. In addition, I identify who discusses what in the parliamentary debates. The analysis reveals how Cosmopolitan ideas are reflected in the discourse within the debates, and the second dimension identifies which party groups discuss and hold which key concepts of Cosmopolitanism.