Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-08-30T17:07:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MIRIAN FARIAS DA SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2012..pdf: 1539409 bytes, checksum: d91a4ebd2b51328209262946b68f953b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-30T17:07:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MIRIAN FARIAS DA SILVA - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2012..pdf: 1539409 bytes, checksum: d91a4ebd2b51328209262946b68f953b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-09 / A partir de meados dos anos 1990, os instrumentos até então consolidados de tratamento dos conflitos agrários no país, que se orientavam para o assentamento de famílias de trabalhadores rurais sem terra via desapropriação de áreas improdutivas, passam a ser questionados pelos propositores do que se convencionou chamar de “Modelo de Reforma Agrária de Mercado (MRAM)”, sob o patrocínio determinante do Banco Mundial. Sob esta nova orientação, no final do primeiro e durante o segundo mandato do Governo FHC (1995-2002), foram criados os programas: Reforma Agrária Solidária do Projeto Piloto São José (PSJ), no Ceará, em agosto de 1996; o Projeto-Piloto de Reforma Agrária e Alívio da Pobreza (ou Cédula da Terra PCT) em agosto de 1997, que operou até o final do mandato FHC na região Nordeste; o Banco da Terra (BT), criado em 1999 e que funcionou até 2003; e o Crédito Fundiário de Combate à Pobreza Rural (2000-2002). Em 2003, já no Governo Lula (2003-2010), é criado o Programa Nacional de Crédito Fundiário (PNCF), que deveria ser complementar a outras ações com vistas à reforma agrária. No Cariri paraibano, e em particular no município de Sumé, o que se vivenciou ao longo da década de 2000 foi o abandono da estratégia de assentamento de famílias via desapropriação de antigos latifúndios improdutivos e a adesão aos novos instrumentos do PNCF, sendo criados, entre 2003 e 2008, 30 projetos de assentamentos (541 famílias em 16.842,95 hectares) na microrregião do Cariri Ocidental e Oriental, dos quais nove projetos apenas no município de Sumé (133 famílias em 4.054,590 hectares). Essas 30 operações são exclusivamente da linha Combate à Pobreza Rural (CPR) do PNCF, e 29 propostas aprovadas são referentes ao Cariri Ocidental. A análise será sobre a linha de CPR que tem promovido transformações nas formas de mobilização de famílias sem terra e nos atores sociais responsáveis pela mediação entre famílias, proprietários e poder público. Esta dissertação analisa estas transformações e revela como as elites locais acabam impondo uma lógica própria às ações do programa, instituindo o que chamam de uma “reforma agrária racional”, que quer dizer sem conflitos, atualizando o debate sobre clientelismo no semiárido nordestino. / In the late 1990s, the instruments to treat land conflicts in Brazil, which were aimed at the settlement of families of landless rural workers via expropriation of unproductive areas, are being questioned by proponents of what came to be called "Market-Based Land Reform”, under the auspices of the World Bank. Under this new guidance, the end of the first and during the second term of the Cardoso administration (1995-2002), some governmental programs were created. In 2003, already in Lula's government (2003-2010), it created the National Land Credit Program (PNCF in portuguese), which should be complementary to other agrarian reform actions. In Cariri region, Paraíba state, and in particular in the city of Sumé, which was experienced throughout the 2000s was the abandonment of the settlement strategy to families via expropriation of unproductive properties. Between 2003 and 2008, 30 settlement projects of PNCF (541 households in 16,842.95 hectares) in the Cariri region were created, of which nine projects in Sumé (133 families in 4054.590 hectares). These 30 operations are exclusively in a special line of PNCF to rural poverty reduction (CPR in portuguese). The analysis will be on the CPR line that has promoted changes in the forms of mobilization of landless families and social actors responsible for mediating between families, owners and government. This dissertation analyzes these changes and reveals how local elites impose its own logic to the actions of the program, instituting what they call a "rational land reform", which means without conflicts, updating the debate on clientelism in the semiarid northeast.

This study briefly discusses land restitution in several countries in Europe and the Americas, the history of land deprivation in South Africa, and the legislation introduced to remedy the inequality of land ownership. Differing interpretations of the legislation in respect of the valuation of land to be purchased by the state for restitution purposes and the valuation formulae recommended at various times by the state and its advisors are discussed. Some of the problems encountered in the implementation of the South African restitution program, including the highly emotional expropriation/confiscation issues, are mentioned. Three case studies based on these differing interpretations are given. The case studies illustrate the evolution of the interpretations of the legislation concerning land restitution valuations in South Africa. / School: Management sciences / M. Tech. (Real Estate)

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:29:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2004-11-25Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T18:39:27Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 correa_mls_me_fran.pdf: 809676 bytes, checksum: 08c8bf72c100565ece1feeb7c40b0d01 (MD5) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / A luta dos assentados do Horto Florestal Guarany é uma história muito bonita; plantaram a semente em solo enfraquecido, com poucas condições de terem uma produção agrícola, e mesmo assim estão produzindo e construindo um mundo novo para futuras gerações. Enfrentam desafios, preconceito, são vistos como desrespeitadores das leis, enfrentam os poderosos, lutam, sofrem e, com o suor de seu trabalho, constroem uma história diferente. Trabalharam a terra, adubaram, estão sempre repondo os nutrientes do solo, embaixo de sol e chuva e quantas não foram as vezes que dormiram em barracos e comeram o que havia. Nunca perderam a esperança de que a semente desse bons frutos. Infelizmente, alguns desistiram no caminho, e os que permaneceram hoje estão colhendo o fruto e o alimento da semente que plantaram, têm moradia, respeito e dignidade, e a luta continua. Esta dissertação mostra um aspecto da questão fundiária e agrária da realidade brasileira e evidencia a necessidade da Reforma Agrária como expressão da justiça social. / The settled landlessþs struggle at Horto Florestal Guarany is a very beautiful story. They have planted the seed in a depleted soil, with few conditions to obtain any crop. However, they have been producing and building a new world for future generations. They face challenges and prejudice. They are considered to be disrespectful to laws, they face the magnates, fight, suffer, break their backs writing a different story. They have worked the land and fertilized it. They are always replacing soil nutriments, no matter sun or rain. How many times have they slept in slums and eaten only what is left? They have never been hopeless expecting the seed to turn into the fruit. Unfortunately some have given up along the way, and those remaining today are picking the fruit from the seed they have planted, the food, their housing, respect and dignity. And the fight keeps up. This paper displays one aspect of the agrarian problem in the Brazilian reality, making it clear that the Land Reform is very necessary as an expression of social justice.

Esta pesquisa teve por objetivo analisar o processo de constituição de uma nova forma de assentamento proposta pelo MST (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra) no estado de São Paulo, denominada Comuna da Terra, situada em áreas nas proximidades de grandes centros urbanos, buscando identificar no que ela difere de outras formas de assentamento, no sentido de sua organização interna, e qual a sua contribuição para o avanço da luta por reforma agrária e para o desenvolvimento social e econômico brasileiro. O discurso de intelectuais e parcela do governo de que a reforma agrária não seria mais necessária; a crescente importância atribuída ao agronegócio no país, seja pela política econômica seja pela mídia; e a mudança no caráter do sujeito social da reforma agrária em determinadas regiões, foram alguns dos fatores que levaram o MST a formular essa proposta de assentamento. Para compreender a Comuna da Terra foi imprescindível analisar a questão do sujeito social da reforma agrária. Para tanto, foi necessário compreender os processos migratórios no Brasil, e mais especificamente no estado de São Paulo bem como a crescente importância da migração de retorno. Analisamos então o processo histórico que envolve os grandes centros urbanos e as vidas das classes subalternas que aí se encontram, envolvidas num processo de migração e deslocamento constantes. Analisando os projetos de vida dessa população e o projeto político do MST de constituição das Comunas da Terra, como elemento de uma nova concepção de reforma agrária, pudemos perceber que essa proposta aponta para um novo projeto de desenvolvimento para o campo, no qual elementos do urbano sejam incorporados. Ao questionar os rumos da política agrária, ao reivindicar um novo modelo de desenvolvimento para o campo, ao propor a união de movimentos rurais e urbanos, o MST acaba por colocar em debate um novo modelo de desenvolvimento também para o Brasil. A Comuna da Terra é elaborada com a proposta de ser uma forma de assentamento em que haja infra-estrutura, acesso à informação, tecnologia etc. Em que haja também uma organização espacial que propicie uma maior centralidade. Enfim, a Comuna da Terra é elaborada de forma a ter um caráter mais urbano que os assentamentos convencionais. No entanto, ela não se enquadra como espaço urbano/rural a partir de imprecisões ou transições. Não constitui um espaço em transição do rural para o urbano. É um espaço que se propõe a ser rural, posto que de reprodução do modo de vida camponês, e urbano, ou com elementos do urbano, posto que demanda os benefícios que a urbanidade criou ao longo dos séculos. / This research project aims to analyze the creation of a new kind of land reform settlement in Brazil - the Comunas da Terra, or Land Communes. These settlements were proposed by Brazil\'s movement of landless workers, the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), and they have been thus far been located in São Paulo state, close to large urban centers. The project attempts to identify the differences between Land Communes and other kinds of land reform settlements, with particular attention paid to their internal organization. The project also seeks to outline the Land Communes\' contribution to the land reform struggle and, in a broader sense, to Brazil\'s social and economic development. A number of factors led the MST to propose the Land Commune model: the discourse, common among intellectuals and some segments of the Brazilian government, claiming that agrarian reform is no longer necessary; the growing importance of agribusiness, as reflected both in economic policy and in media depictions; and, in some regions, the changing nature of the social subjects who engage in the agrarian reform process. This last factor has particular importance. In order to understand Land Communes, one must analyze agrarian reform\'s social subjects. To approach this question, in turn, one must examine Brazil\'s migratory processes, and particularly the role that São Paulo plays in these processes, as well as the increasing importance of rural return migration. This thesis therefore reviews the history of Brazil\'s major urban centers and of the subaltern classes who live in them, classes which have been continually involved in a dynamic of migration and displacement. The thesis then analyzes the life plans of people from these classes, and the MST\'s political efforts to plan the Land Communes, as two factors leading towards a new conceptualization of agrarian reform. Both types of plan - life plans and Land Commune plans - point towards a new model for rural development, a model in which elements of the city are brought into the countryside. In its challenges to current agrarian policies, in its demands for a new rural development strategy, and in its proposals for unity between rural and urban social movements, the MST has in effect opened a debate about a new development model for Brazil itself. The MST\'s Land Commune proposal envisions a type of land reform settlement in which advanced infrastructure, information access, and technology are readily available. Moreover, the proposal aims to create settlements whose spatial organization is considerably more centralized than previous types of settlement. Land Communes, in summary, are created with a considerably more urban character than conventional land reform settlements. But the Land Communes\' hybrid status, as a urban/ rural space, does not come from their planners\' indecisiveness, nor does it reflect a process of transition. Land Communes are not a transitional space in which the rural becomes urban. Rather, they are a space at once rural - because in them a peasant lifestyle is reproduced - and urban, or at least with urban elements - because their inhabitants demand the benefits that, for centuries, urbanity has created.

Dans ce travail, il s’agira tout d’abord de concevoir un musée du Mouvement des Travailleurs Ruraux Sans Terre au Brésil. La lutte des sans terre est l’un des phénomènes sociaux et politiques les plus importants de notre histoire. Le Mouvement des Sans Terres (MST), pilier de la mobilisation populaire au Brésil, est la plus importante référence dans la lutte contre l’inégalité sociale et le néolibéralisme dans la mesure où celui-ci conduit à un approfondissement du processus de concentration de richesse, inhérent au système capitaliste, et des inégalités socio-économiques. Dans un premier temps, nous analyserons la conception de ce musée, ses caractéristiques, ses objectifs, son importance pour le développement social, économique et politique du Brésil et les possibilités de sa création dans ce pays. Nous verrons que le Musée du MST que nous concevons est un nouveau type de musée, que nous avons défini comme un Musée de Lutte, avec une nouvelle muséologie que nous dénommions de Muséologie de la Contemporanéité. Celle-ci suggère la nécessité d’adéquation ou d’actualisation des objectifs des musées sociaux, issus du mouvement de la Nouvelle Muséologie des années 1970-80, prenant en compte les problèmes et les aspirations collectives de notre temps. Nous essaierons de comprendre pourquoi les musées de la Nouvelle Muséologie sont devenus inefficaces du point du vu de leurs objectifs initiaux et comment la Muséologie de la Contemporanéité peut les aider à sortir de l’inertie et à les faire jouer de manière plus effective leur rôle de levier social et politique. Enfin, nous espérons, avec la conception du Musée de Lutte et de sa Muséologie de la Contemporanéité, ouvrir des nouvelles perspectives pour le développement de la muséologie sociale, dans laquelle il s’inscrit. Une muséologie politiquement engagée, au service de la construction d’un monde meilleur, de la dignité humaine, de l’égalité et de la justice sociale. / In the present work, we aim, first and foremost, to conceive a museum of the Landless Rural Workers Mouvement (MST) in Brazil. The struggle of the landless is one of the most important social and political phenomena in the history of this country. The Mouvement, mainstay of the popular mobilisation in Brasil, is the main reference in the figth against social inequality and neoliberalism, a force that leads to a strengthening in the concentration of wealth, inherent to the capitalist system, and socioeconomic disparities. First, we analyse the conception of this museum, its feautures, objectives, its importance for the social, economic and political development of Brazil and the feasibility of its implementation. We will see that the MST Museum presents a new kind of museum, one we define as a Struggle Museum, within de contexte of a new museology designated as Museology of Contemporaneity. This new museology highlights the need to adapt or update the objectives of social museums, wich were stablished by the New Museology mouvement of 1970-1980, in order to take into account the problems and collective aspirations of ours time. We will try to understand why the museums of New Museology have become ineffective relative to their original goals and how the Museology of Contemporaneity can provide a way out of a situation of inertia and help them play their role as social and political levers more effectively. Finally, with the conception of the Struggle Museum and its Museologie of Contemporaneity, we hope to open up new perspectives for the development of social museology, wherein it operates ; a politically-engaged museology in service of the creation of a better world, of human dignity, equality and social justice.