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The European Green Capital Award - Towards a sustainable Europe?Lönegren, Lovisa January 2009 (has links)
Today a grand majority (around 80%) of the European citizens live in cities or towns. Europe is more urbanised than ever. Contemporaneously, climate change and global warming is an increasing threat worldwide. In 2006, the European Commission of the European Union (EU) therefore launched the idea of implementing the yearly European Green Capital (EGC) award. The aim was (and still is) to create role models by promoting cities that constantly take strong actions for the environment and thereby inspire other cities to make green choices too. In February 2009 the first two EGC winners were announced: Stockholm (Sweden) 2010 and Hamburg (Germany) 2011. The question is whether an award of this kind is the right method for the EU to deal with environment issues. If not, the EU should invest its resources elsewhere. This thesis aims at evaluating the EGC by looking closer at Stockholm as the EGC winner of 2010 and by analysing the impacts the EGC title has on Sweden’s EU Presidency the second half of 2009. The ecological modernisation theory reconciles economic growth and environmental protection, and provides several relevant features and aspects to this thesis regarding sustainable development, voluntary approaches and environmental policy-making. By applying the theory on the EGC many things such as the underlying visions and methods of the award can be explained and analysed. The conclusion of the thesis is that the EGC in some respects is leading to a greener and more sustainable Europe or at least has the potential to do so.
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Presidential-Legislative Relations and Presidential ScandalCanody, Kevin M. 04 June 2009 (has links)
Studies on Presidential-Executive relations fails to empirically analyze whether or not modern presidential scandal can impact presidential-congressional relations. Meinke and Anderson (2001) find that presidential scandal impacts House of Representatives voting behavior on key votes cited by Congressional Quarterly. A slight revision and replication of Meinke and Anderson's research finds presidential scandal impacts Senate aggregate key votes reported by Congressional Quarterly. In addition, political party plays a more important role than scandal in determining the logged odds of Senate key votes and presidential agreement. / Master of Arts
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A Comparative Pentadic Analysis of Mediated Presidential Discourse During 9/11 and Hurricane KatrinaAljabri, Nadia Michele 12 June 2007 (has links)
In his first term as president, George W. Bush was confronted with one of the worst national attacks in United States history: the September 11 terrorist attacks of 2001. Through the devastation, however, President Bush triumphed in unifying and guiding this nation during what would become the height of his rhetorical leadership. Following his reelection in 2004, President Bush faced one of the worst natural disasters in the nation's history: Category 4 Hurricane Katrina. In its aftermath, Katrina became known as "one of the worst mishandled disasters ever." Utilizing Kenneth Burke's pentad, this study analyzes the president's rhetorical response and the primetime network news coverage following each crisis in an attempt to determine how President Bush could fare so well in one instance, consoling and leading the American people, while falling short in his second major crisis during his term as president. / Master of Arts
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Assessing asymmetry in international politics: US-South Africa relations: 1994-2008Firsing, Scott T. 13 September 2011 (has links)
When the new South African government took power in 1994, the United States (US) pictured a bright future with a strategic country. They envisioned a strong partnership in political, economic and security realms. Although the US has consistently labeled their bilateral relationship with South Africa as ‘excellent,’ government officials from both countries at the end of 2008 expressed concern about the perceived crisis that US-South African relations was in. Against this backdrop, this thesis explores the bilateral relationship between the US, a global power, and South Africa, a regional power, assessing the key issues from 1994-2008. This thesis attempts to achieve an understanding of the relationship by using a new paradigm developed by Professor Brantly Womack of the University of Virginia (US), entitled asymmetry theory. His theory, which was developed after decades of studying the political landscape between states in Southeast Asia, addresses the effects of national disparities on asymmetric bilateral relationships. This thesis breaks new ground by testing Womack’s asymmetry theory in relation to the US and South Africa, two countries located outside the continent of Asia. Moreover, this is the first study where the theory has been applied to a relationship between a global and regional power.
This thesis argues that there was a considerable downward swing in US-South African relations during the Bush Administration due to the confliction of several vital principles in each country’s foreign policy, the structural implications of asymmetry, and the lack of an institution were US and South African government officials could quickly communicate to clarify any disputes or misperceptions that may have arisen.
This thesis argues that the bilateral relationship has changed from normalization to normalcy throughout the time period although there are still significant hurdles to overcome in the future. Additionally, this thesis argues that the value of asymmetry theory has proven itself in its illumination of the dynamics of the relationship. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)
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Les défis de la politique européenne de défenseRibet, Roseline 06 1900 (has links)
"Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit (LL.D) et à l'Université Jean Moulin en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit" / Les États européens n'ont, jusque dans les années 90, envisagé
leur défense que dans le cadre d'alliances militaires et restaient maîtres
de leur défense nationale. La mise en place d'une politique européenne
de défense a toujours connu des obstacles, reflets des problèmes de
souveraineté. Dans l'Union européenne, l'intégration politique, et en
particulier celle de la défense, reste le domaine le plus incertain. Cette
thèse de nature essentiellement empirico-descriptive aborde le thème de
la défense européenne sous une approche réaliste, en plaçant les États
au centre de la construction européenne et en en faisant les acteurs
principaux. Depuis 1992, les États tentent de définir une politique
européenne de défense mais rencontrent différentes difficultés.
En effet, la politique européenne de défense souffre d'un double
déficit. Le premier est un déficit institutionnel puisque la P.E.D. est loin
d'être une politique commune et se limite à un mécanisme de
coopération. Le second est un déficit matériel puisque l'Union européenne
n'a pas la puissance militaire pour mettre en oeuvre une éventuelle
décision commune. Afin d'évaluer les perspectives d'évolution d'une
politique européenne de défense, nous devons étudier les différents défis
que les États et les institutions communautaires doivent relever pour
combler ces deux déficits. Les défis d'ordre institutionnel concernent les
multiples acteurs, États et institutions, qui interviennent dans la définition
de la P.E.S.D. Il s'agit de déterminer quelle instance est la mieux à
même d'assurer la représentation internationale de l'Union européenne
afin de donner l'impulsion politique nécessaire de la P.E.S.D. Les défis
d'ordre militaire concernent les moyens que les différents acteurs
souhaitent engager afin de concrétiser la politique définie. Toutes ces discussions montrent la justification d'un système
européen de défense mais la question est de savoir si les États, acteurs
centraux de la construction européenne, sont prêts à relever ces défis. / Up until the 1990's, the European States have solely thought of
their security forces inside military alliances as they kept control of their
national defense. The putting in place of a European defense policy has
always met obstacles, which reflect the problems linked to the
preservation of sovereignty. The political integration in Europe remains
uncertain, mostly when it comes to common defense. With an empirical
and descriptive manner, this thesis depicts the European defense theme
in a realistic approach, by placing the States in the middle of the
European construction and by giving them the main role. Since 1992, the
States tried to lay down a European policy of defense, but they
encountered various difficulties.
Indeed, the European policy of defense suffers from a double
deficit. The first is institutional since the European Defense Policy is far
from being part of a common policy and is strictly a cooperation
mechanism. The second is a material deficit since the European Union
doesn't have a military force to implement a common decision. In order
to evaluate the possible evolution of a European defense policy, we had
to study the various challenges that the States and institutions must face
in order to address those two deficits. The institutional challenge
concerns the multiple actors, States and institutions, which intervene in
the definition of E.P.S.D. This part will try to identify which institution
would be best capable of ensuring the international representation of the
European Union and to give the political impetus necessary to the putting
into place of the E.P.S.D. The military challenge concern the means that
the different actors would engage in order to concretize the policy.
Ali these discussions show the justification of a European system of
defense, but the question remains as to whether the States, central
figures of the European construction, are ready to take up these
challenges.
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Les défis de la politique européenne de défenseRibet, Roseline 06 1900 (has links)
Les États européens n'ont, jusque dans les années 90, envisagé
leur défense que dans le cadre d'alliances militaires et restaient maîtres
de leur défense nationale. La mise en place d'une politique européenne
de défense a toujours connu des obstacles, reflets des problèmes de
souveraineté. Dans l'Union européenne, l'intégration politique, et en
particulier celle de la défense, reste le domaine le plus incertain. Cette
thèse de nature essentiellement empirico-descriptive aborde le thème de
la défense européenne sous une approche réaliste, en plaçant les États
au centre de la construction européenne et en en faisant les acteurs
principaux. Depuis 1992, les États tentent de définir une politique
européenne de défense mais rencontrent différentes difficultés.
En effet, la politique européenne de défense souffre d'un double
déficit. Le premier est un déficit institutionnel puisque la P.E.D. est loin
d'être une politique commune et se limite à un mécanisme de
coopération. Le second est un déficit matériel puisque l'Union européenne
n'a pas la puissance militaire pour mettre en oeuvre une éventuelle
décision commune. Afin d'évaluer les perspectives d'évolution d'une
politique européenne de défense, nous devons étudier les différents défis
que les États et les institutions communautaires doivent relever pour
combler ces deux déficits. Les défis d'ordre institutionnel concernent les
multiples acteurs, États et institutions, qui interviennent dans la définition
de la P.E.S.D. Il s'agit de déterminer quelle instance est la mieux à
même d'assurer la représentation internationale de l'Union européenne
afin de donner l'impulsion politique nécessaire de la P.E.S.D. Les défis
d'ordre militaire concernent les moyens que les différents acteurs
souhaitent engager afin de concrétiser la politique définie. Toutes ces discussions montrent la justification d'un système
européen de défense mais la question est de savoir si les États, acteurs
centraux de la construction européenne, sont prêts à relever ces défis. / Up until the 1990's, the European States have solely thought of
their security forces inside military alliances as they kept control of their
national defense. The putting in place of a European defense policy has
always met obstacles, which reflect the problems linked to the
preservation of sovereignty. The political integration in Europe remains
uncertain, mostly when it comes to common defense. With an empirical
and descriptive manner, this thesis depicts the European defense theme
in a realistic approach, by placing the States in the middle of the
European construction and by giving them the main role. Since 1992, the
States tried to lay down a European policy of defense, but they
encountered various difficulties.
Indeed, the European policy of defense suffers from a double
deficit. The first is institutional since the European Defense Policy is far
from being part of a common policy and is strictly a cooperation
mechanism. The second is a material deficit since the European Union
doesn't have a military force to implement a common decision. In order
to evaluate the possible evolution of a European defense policy, we had
to study the various challenges that the States and institutions must face
in order to address those two deficits. The institutional challenge
concerns the multiple actors, States and institutions, which intervene in
the definition of E.P.S.D. This part will try to identify which institution
would be best capable of ensuring the international representation of the
European Union and to give the political impetus necessary to the putting
into place of the E.P.S.D. The military challenge concern the means that
the different actors would engage in order to concretize the policy.
Ali these discussions show the justification of a European system of
defense, but the question remains as to whether the States, central
figures of the European construction, are ready to take up these
challenges. / "Thèse présentée à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit (LL.D) et à l'Université Jean Moulin en vue de l'obtention du grade de Docteur en droit"
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Assessing asymmetry in international politics: US-South Africa relations: 1994-2008Firsing, Scott T. 13 September 2011 (has links)
When the new South African government took power in 1994, the United States (US) pictured a bright future with a strategic country. They envisioned a strong partnership in political, economic and security realms. Although the US has consistently labeled their bilateral relationship with South Africa as ‘excellent,’ government officials from both countries at the end of 2008 expressed concern about the perceived crisis that US-South African relations was in. Against this backdrop, this thesis explores the bilateral relationship between the US, a global power, and South Africa, a regional power, assessing the key issues from 1994-2008. This thesis attempts to achieve an understanding of the relationship by using a new paradigm developed by Professor Brantly Womack of the University of Virginia (US), entitled asymmetry theory. His theory, which was developed after decades of studying the political landscape between states in Southeast Asia, addresses the effects of national disparities on asymmetric bilateral relationships. This thesis breaks new ground by testing Womack’s asymmetry theory in relation to the US and South Africa, two countries located outside the continent of Asia. Moreover, this is the first study where the theory has been applied to a relationship between a global and regional power.
This thesis argues that there was a considerable downward swing in US-South African relations during the Bush Administration due to the confliction of several vital principles in each country’s foreign policy, the structural implications of asymmetry, and the lack of an institution were US and South African government officials could quickly communicate to clarify any disputes or misperceptions that may have arisen.
This thesis argues that the bilateral relationship has changed from normalization to normalcy throughout the time period although there are still significant hurdles to overcome in the future. Additionally, this thesis argues that the value of asymmetry theory has proven itself in its illumination of the dynamics of the relationship. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)
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Komparace postojů Irska a Velké Británie u vybraných aspektů Evropské integrace / The Comparison of Attitudes of Ireland and Great Britain in Selected Aspects of the European IntegrationStejskalová, Štěpánka January 2010 (has links)
The diploma thesis "Komparace postojů Irska a Velké Británie u vybraných aspektů Evropské integrace" deals with attitudes of Great Britain and Ireland to the politics of the European Union. Based on the available literature (using the descriptive and analytical method), the thesis proves how divergent or vice versa accordance are particular policies and approaches of these two states, whose past is completely different and has fundamental influence on contemporary access of these members to the European Union. In the history of Great Britain's and the European Union's relation it is always possible to find a certain fact that distinguished Britain from other partners in the European Union. It is then also different from the neighbouring Ireland. The diploma thesis analyses first of all the financial framework of the European Union, its regional and foreign policy. It is divided into five chapters - besides already mentioned regional, economic and foreign policy, the diploma thesis delas with the access of Ireland and Great Britain to European referendums, accentuated is first of all the referendum on the Treaty of Nice and the contemporary debate on the rejected Treaty of Lisbon. Finally are analysed last two presidencies of Ireland and Great Britain in years 2004 and 2005. The purpose of the diploma thesis...
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Europeizace české zahraniční politiky a vliv předsednictví v Radě EU: Případ palestinsko-izraelského konfliktu / Europeanization of the Czech Foreign policy and the impact of the Presidency in the Council of the EU: The case of the Israeli-Palestinian conflictPelc, Martin January 2012 (has links)
This diploma thesis applies the theoretical concept of Europeanization on a research of the Czech foreign policy and its changes in relation to the presidency of the EU Council. As a case study, it analyses different Czech and EU's positions towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and then by comparison of both levels it determines the misfit between Czech and the EU's policies in the mentioned agenda. From historical point of view and from contemporary perspective as well, the Czech Republic is famous for very pro-Israeli attitudes. On the other hand, the EU is significantly focused on supporting of the Palestinians and building the Palestinian state. The research is divided into three periods: before the Czech Presidency of the EU in the years 2004-2008, during the Czech Presidency and then after the presidency until the end of 2010. The aim of the research is to evaluate changes of the misfit between the Czech domestic attitudes and the EU's positions by the example of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict's issues and then to find out whether the Czech foreign policy has been europeanized during the studied period. The main question of the thesis asks whether the Presidency of the EU Council has an impact on longer-term Europeanization of domestic foreign policy. The thesis has proved that the...
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Role národních identit v mediálním prostoru věnovaném evropské politice: České předsednictví Evropské unie v evropském psaném tisku / The Role of National Identities in the Media Space Devoted to European Politics: The Czech Presidency of the European Union in European PressYoussef Staňkovská, Barbora January 2011 (has links)
Barbora Youssef Staňkovská - abstract (annotation) of the Master thesis "The Role of National Identities in the Media Space Devoted to European Politics: The Czech Presidency of the European Union in European Press" Abstract Diploma thesis "The Role of National Identities in the Media Space Devoted to European Politics: The Czech Presidency of the European Union in European Press" deals with media images of national identities, the way of their formation in media, and the effects of these images on transformations of national identities during the process of European integration. Using the qualitative content analysis and an inductive approach to the collected data, an analysis of two corpuses of articles was carried out. These articles treated the topic of the Czech presidency of the European Union and were published during that period in the Czech newspaper MF DNES and the French newspaper Le Monde. The most important Czech actors and other elements were identified, which together hold up the media image of the Czech Republic. The media image of the Czech national identity is described through them. Based on the results and wider theoretical frame of the thesis, the author further reflects the position of identities in the European media space and states that this space is not Pan-European but rather...
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