The elaboration of this thesis involved several stages, and since it is a complex subject matter, it was imperative to maintain a multidisciplinary focus. In the rst stage, the need to improve the innovation performance in Latin America and the Caribbean is identied. In the second, the appropriate methodology for this research is selected. Here, it was determined that a framework comprising the innovation system approach is the most suitable framework for this research. In the third stage, the relevant body of extant literature is reviewed and the research problem formulated. In the fourth stage, the data is collected and characterized. During the fth stage, the gathered information is analyzed and the results presented. In the sixth stage, experiences in other regions are examined and best practices acquired. In the nal stage, the key enablers, best practices and the elements are identied, transformed and adapted into several recommendations for Latin American and Caribbean policy makers.

Corruption has been attracting a great deal of attention recently and various organizations together with free and active media have made great efforts to bring this issue to the forefront of the governance debate. This research uses experimental methods to investigate the effect of supranational governing structures on corruption. A second objective of this research is to investigate the effectiveness of the model for the United Nations missions given that transparency and accountability in the presence of these kinds of supranational governing structures are generally weak. Results of this research show that the presence of supranational governing structures leads to an increased level of corruption. These findings can be generalized for other situations in the public sector or private sector that involve a type of supranational governing structure. For the case of the UN missions, increased transparency and accountability can help reduce the level of corruption under these governing structures.

Transnational security threats are among the most pressing and complicated problems facing both governmental and non-governmental actors in today's world. Human trafficking is one example of contemporary transnational security threat that is relatively less studied compared to other transnational security threats. Because transnational security threats such as human trafficking exist above and outside the boundaries of state control, it may be supposed that a greater degree of supranationalism in the policy responses to them would yield better results in combatting these modern-day ills. Anti-trafficking efforts from the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and the European Union are examined to assess the impact of degree of supranationalism present in the respective policy responses to determine if any advantage is gained from aligning supranational policies to transnational problems. This question is not answered conclusively due to a lack of supranationalism present in key areas of EU governance responsible for law enforcement efforts.

[pt] A União Europeia se apresenta como a mais bem sucedida experiência supranacional. Diante do seu inevitável, e necessário, projeto de integração regional, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo verificar a existência de um déficit democrático em sua instituição parlamentar. Para tanto, serão abordadas as teorias democráticas liberais que dão forma teórica à democracia representativa ocidental, para que se possa fundamentar as instituições que compõem o bloco. Após, serão analisadas as posições quanto à existência do déficit democrático na União, a perspectiva de um constitucionalismo para além do Estado-Nação, a impossibilidade de aprofundamento federalista, e às críticas à abordagem liberal europeísta, para que assim se analise a atuação do Parlamento Europeu como órgão democraticamente legítimo de representatividade supranacional. / [en] The European Union presents itself as the most successful supranational experiment. In view of its inevitable and necessary regional integration project, the present research aims to verify the existence of a democratic deficit in its parliamentary institution. To this end, liberal democratic theories that give theoretical form to western representative democracy will be addressed, so that the institutions that make up the bloc can be founded. Afterwards, the positions regarding the existence of the democratic deficit in the Union, the perspective of a constitutionalism beyond the Nation-State, the impossibility of federalist deepening, and the criticisms of the liberal Europeanist approach will be analyzed, so that the performance of Parliament can be analyzed. European Union as a democratically legitimate supranational representative body.

Submitted by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2018-09-17T16:26:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Simone Thay Wey Lee.pdf: 965632 bytes, checksum: 3ebd44c4d3df7ac4c5d0239da165fcd5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Valéria de Jesus Moura (anavaleria_131@hotmail.com) on 2018-09-17T16:27:01Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Simone Thay Wey Lee.pdf: 965632 bytes, checksum: 3ebd44c4d3df7ac4c5d0239da165fcd5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-17T16:27:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Simone Thay Wey Lee.pdf: 965632 bytes, checksum: 3ebd44c4d3df7ac4c5d0239da165fcd5 (MD5) / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo principal a análise quanto à possibilidade e à necessidade de criação de uma corte supranacional de justiça dentro do sistema de solução de controvérsias do MERCOSUL. Para tanto, inicia-se analisando o fenômeno da integração regional no mundo e, mais especificamente, no contexto da América do Sul, as suas finalidades, a sua origem histórica e as fases pelas quais o Estado deve passar para alcançar a integração total com seus pares. Passa-se então ao exame das características dos países sulamericanos, para elencar as suas semelhanças e distinções e, assim, identificar os desafios para promover a integração regional no subcontinente sul-americano. Em seguida, é traçado o desenvolvimento histórico do movimento de integração na América do Sul, desde CEPAL até a UNASUL. Importante, também, para atingir o fim almejado aqui, é trabalhar com os conceitos de soberania e supranacionalidade para asseverar que esta não macula aquela, mas, apesar disso, é necessário reforma constitucional, ao menos para o Brasil, para admissão da supranacionalidade na ordem interna. Já o capítulo 2 é voltado exclusivamente para o estudo do MERCOSUL, incluindo a sua formação histórica, as suas finalidades, o seu papel de relevo desempenhado na região e, principalmente, a sua estrutura institucional, chamando a atenção para o seu caráter intergovernamental. Finalmente, o capítulo 3 se destina a realizar uma construção teórica quanto à criação hipotética de uma corte supranacional de justiça, voltada principalmente para a solução de demandas comerciais, cujas decisões devem ter primazia sobre o direito interno e ser dotada de eficácia e aplicabilidade imediata nos territórios nacionais. Nesse contexto, defende-se a desnecessidade, a priori, de uso do órgão judicial para analisar demandas que envolvam violação aos direitos humanos e às instituições democráticas, sobretudo para evitar um conflito de competência com a Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. Por fim, defende-se a necessidade de conceder acesso dos particulares à corte supranacional, de modo a minorar o déficit democrático. / The following work has as its primary purpose the analysis as to the possibility and the need to create a supranational court of justice within the South American Common Market (MERCOSUL) dispute resolution system. For this purpose, it starts off with the assessment of the integration phenomenon occurring in the world and, more specifically, in South America, its objectives, its historical origin and the phases in which the State must go through in order to achieve a full integration with other neighboring countries. Afterwards, it examines the characteristics of the South American countries in order to enumerate its similarities and distinctions, enabling the identification of the challenges that they must overcome to achieve regional integration in the South American subcontinent. Subsequently, it studies the historical development of the regional integration, since the creation of the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) until the Union of South American Nations (USAN). It’s also important, in order to achieve the main purpose of this work, study the concepts of sovereignty and supranationalism, to affirm that the latter one doesn´t violate, by any means, the Estate sovereignty but, nevertheless, it´s necessary a constitutional reform, at least for Brazil, to introduce supranationalism into the national legal system. Chapter 2 is entirely focused on the study of MERCOSUL, including its origin, its objectives, its important role played within the region and, most significantly, its institutional structure, calling attention to its intergovernmental feature. Finally, chapter 3 is aimed to describe the characteristics of a supranational court of justice to be created for MERCOSUL, whose main purpose would be to settle commercial disputes through judicial decisions that must prevail over the national legal system and must be immediately effective within the national territories. In this context, the position held in this work is that there is no need, at least initially, for the judicial body to analyze disputes that involves human rights violation or breach of democratic institutions, mainly to avoid a conflict of competence with the Inter- American Court of Human Rights. At last, this work focuses on the need to grant direct access to individuals and private companies to the supranational court of justice in order to diminish the democratic deficit.

International trade has been a staple of the world economy for centuries. In today‟s world, as the pressure of globalization takes hold, and as the role of the state recedes while the role of regions increase, the need to maximize the benefits of international trade and investment inflows becomes even more accentuated. Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) in particular, has perennially been on the periphery of global trade and investments, contributing no more than 3-4%, notwithstanding SSA having proportionately much higher population and natural resource base. To improve SSA ability to be competitive in international trade as well as to multiply intra-african trade, the continent‟s leaders have long resorted to forming regional economic communities (RECs). But more than five decades of regional economic integration in SSA has produced mostly failed RECs. Yet regional integration is being touted as SSA surest bet for relevance in the global economy. Therein lies the paradox! How can an undertaking that have produced mostly failures be the self-same route out of global economic irrelevance? In this study, it is shown that the model for regional integration adopted by many SSA RECs, the linear model, also considered the Eurocentric model of regional integration, buttressed by an intergovernmental legal framework, does not suit the peculiar circumstances of the region and is the cause for the near total failure of regional integration on the continent. This research, using the ECOWAS specialized institutions as case studies – the West African Power Pool (WAPP) and the ECOWAS Regional Electricity Regulatory Authority (ERERA) – argues for a paradigm shift in the conceptualisation of regionalism on the continent. It argues for a shift to developmental regionalism, buttressed by strong supranational legal framework. The study shows that the West African regional bloc, ECOWAS, now recognises the nexus between the development of trade-related infrastructure and intra-african trade on the one hand, as well as the nexus between the development regionalism and the expansion of SSA trade with the rest of the world, on the other hand. Accordingly, the study concludes that ECOWAS institutionalization of a regional electricity market via the establishment of regional institutions of WAPP and ERERA is the new model for regional integration in SSA. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / gm2015 / Centre for Human Rights / LLM / Unrestricted

This thesis is about EU energy security in relation to Russia and its proposed Nord Stream 2 project. In this thesis the Copenhagen School theory on securitisation is applied with the help of a combination of content analysis and discourse analysis as methods, which will together with the theory become the framework of this study. While the focal point will fall on EU’s Parliament and how the project Nord Stream 2 is securitised within this EU structure, where the project itself will serve as an exhibitory example of the energy security relationship between EU and Russia. The main findings that are made in this thesis are that the securitising actors in the debate are the countries not the political parties and that Russia, not Nord Stream 2 is the true object of securitisation. In addition to that it was established that there is little unity amongst the EU member states, which is supported by the finding in previous academic studies that have been conducted within the field.

This thesis entitled "Globalization: the sociopolitical consequences of the activities of supranational corporations" examines the effects of actions of supranational organizations in the process of globalization, on the basis of contemporary sociological literature. In the first two chapters I assess the process of globalization itself and its most important aspects. The third chapter inspects the supranational corporations, their development, functioning and characteristic attributes and then presents the consequences of these actions. The final chapter focuses on socially responsible behavior.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:26:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Edson Luis Baldan.pdf: 1502881 bytes, checksum: a54bb3d5086e37773b9be619521c18a6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-03-11 / The scope of this paper is the proposal of a theoretical-conceptual model of penal inter-typicity, understood as the product of a competition, convergence, overlapping and the conflict between the normativity of multiple positive ordinations, as seen within the same political space, hypertextually related to each other and that, by featuring intertextually a global system limited by the context, reproduce the sense of the positive speech of unfair, where the penal type is taken from in its normative existential integrality. In this sense, the penal intertype corresponds to the antijuridicity typified as the discursive product of an intrinsically fair global normative. The theory of negative elements of the penal type is adopted as basilary conceptual assumptions for such, with the neoconstitutionalism, the theory of jusnatural values, the semioticity of the normative speech and the juridical realist theory. Upon the use of said scientific references, the thesis re-discusses the concept of penal norm, intends to redefine the phenomenon crime and questions the usual hermeneutic methods. The outcome of Semiotic and Linguistic advances is claimed in this paper, mainly for a criticism on the language of penal norms, granting semiotic value to popular expressions provided with juridical-normative sense; recognizing the direct expressive force of principles; defending the idea of a discursive community for the construction of the sense for the penal unfairness. The thesis further concerns on the study in perspective of the reflections that the growing establishment and sedimentation of a supranational juridical order by taking the relativity of the sovereignty concept would have on the internal application of the Penal Law, implying to know which are the effects to operate in respect to the positive elaboration and the doctrinary formulations for a fitness of such a size. Without refuting the penal typicity, its redimension is proposed; without denying the positivism, a discussion on the concept of sources and penal norms is made; without forgetting the State´s sovereignty, the supremacy of the individual´s rights before the same is defended; without disregarding the local culture, it warns as to the universal aspect of human practices. It encompasses a search of ontologic comprehension of crime and, at the same time, the (deonto)logics of the norms expressing it / Escopo deste trabalho é a proposta de um modelo teórico-conceitual de intertipicidade penal, entendida como produto da concorrência, convergência, justaposição e conflito entre a normatividade de múltiplos ordenamentos positivos, no mesmo espaço político incidentes, hipertextualmente relacionados entre si, os quais, configurando, intertextualmente, um sistema global, limitado pelo contexto, reproduzem o sentido do discurso positivo do injusto, donde se extrai o tipo penal na sua integralidade existencial normativa. Nesse sentido, o intertipo penal corresponde à antijuridicidade tipificada como produto discursivo de uma normativa global intrinsecamente justa. Para tanto, são adotados, como pressupostos conceituais basilares, a teoria dos elementos negativos do tipo penal, o neoconstitucionalismo, a teoria dos valores jusnaturais, a semioticidade do discurso normativo e a teoria realista jurídica. Empregando esses referentes científicos, a tese rediscute o conceito de norma penal, intenta a redefinição do fenômeno crime e questiona os métodos hermenêuticos usuais. Reclama-se, neste trabalho, a vinda dos avanços da Semiótica e da Lingüística para uma crítica da linguagem das normas penais, sobretudo: afastando-se da clássica idéia do legislador como emissor exclusivo da norma; conferindo valor semiótico às expressões populares dotadas de sentido jurídico-normativo; reconhecendo a força expressiva direta dos princípios; defendendo a idéia de uma comunidade discursiva de construção de sentido do injusto penal. Trata a tese, ainda, do estudo, em perspectiva, dos reflexos que o estabelecimento e sedimentação crescentes de uma ordem jurídica supranacional ao relativizar o conceito de soberania teriam sobre a aplicação interna do Direito Penal, implicando em saber quais os efeitos operáveis em relação à elaboração positiva e às formulações doutrinárias para uma adaptação de tal grandeza. Sem refutar a tipicidade penal, propõe sua redimensão; sem negar o positivismo, sugere uma discussão do conceito de fontes e de normas penais; sem olvidar da soberania do Estado, defende a supremacia dos direitos do indivíduo frente a ela; sem desmerecer a cultura local, adverte para a universalização das práticas humanas. É uma busca de compreensão ontológica do crime e, simultaneamente, (deonto)lógica das normas que o exprimem

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:28:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marina Locci Furtado.pdf: 690774 bytes, checksum: e0609ad065693526868efe0671bae1fc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-24 / This study analyses two paradigms of regional integration, the European Union, as the most advanced model and the Mercosul. The purposes of this study is to analyze the possibility of promoting of development in the member-states within the regional integration and the regional integration too, breaking the paradigms, showing the possibility of becoming true the integration through different models as the Mercosul, and not only through the supranational European model. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate which would be the necessary development to the States, as for the regional integration, independently of the model adopted and developed taking into account the dynamics in the economy and human development of each country. During this study, firstly, it will be analysed the fundamental elements to the fruition thereof, as the State. Then, we took into consideration the notion of sovereignty, as in the different standards and levels of integration and then the origin thereof based on the development achieved by the States. Using the European Union, as the supranational model of integration and Mercosul as the intergovernmental model, compare the development of the Statemembers, to demonstrate the existence or not of an ideal model of integration / O trabalho analisa dois paradigmas de integração regional, a União Européia, modelo mais avançado de integração, e o Mercosul. Objetiva vislumbrar a possibilidade de desenvolvimento dos países-membros de uma integração regional e do próprio processo de integração regional quebrar padrões, ou seja, demonstrar a possibilidade de haver uma integração real, com desenvolvimento crescente dos Estados-membros, através de um modelo intergovernamental como o do Mercosul, e não somente do europeu supranacional. A preocupação é verificar o que seria necessário para que os Estados, com a integração regional, possam se desenvolver em termos de riqueza econômica e desenvolvimento humano. Assim, o trabalho primeiramente analisa os elementos fundamentais para a consecução do estudo, como o Estado. Após, passa ao estudo da soberania - pois, nos modelos diferentes de integração, há um maior ou menor compartilhamento da soberania -, a seguir, da integração, suas origens e fases, do desenvolvimento, nas suas concepções variadas, da globalização, que aproximou a integração econômica, política e social e, por último, do desenvolvimento dos Estados. Usando a União Européia como modelo supranacional de integração e o Mercosul como exemplo do intergovernamental, compara o desenvolvimento dos seus Estados-membros, para assim demonstrar a existência, ou não, de um padrão ideal de integração