The ongoing disregard for the American vice presidency, and for those who would and do hold the office, in conjunction with the scarcity of academic research devoted specifically to the development of the institution, warrants the following study. Indeed, this study is relatively novel to the existent body of political science research which ventures to evaluate the vice presidency. Generally, research and publications on the vice presidency have tended to focus on variables such as ticket-balancing and home-state advantage; critiques of individual vice presidents; and more recently, specific policy spheres where modern vice presidents have been involved. In contrast, this project is devoted exclusively to isolating the institutional markers that have increased the broad utility of the position of vice president of the United States and, in the process, have augmented the development of the vice-presidential institution. These institutional markers include augmentation by precedent, statute, and constitutional amendment; increases in the resources made available to the institution; the addition of institutional identifiers; and the gradual accumulation of policy portfolios and responsibilities assigned to vice presidents. Underscoring each of the preceding institutional markers has been the vital role specific presidents have played in facilitating the development of the vice-presidential institution; indeed, the form and the substance of the vice presidency today is almost entirely the product of presidential initiative. In total, this study represents an interpretive synthesis of the historical record of the American vice presidency and how that record reflects the development of the institution. In the end, salient institutional markers have led to the development of a modern, utilitarian institution, one that is now fully integrated into the executive government. Of equal import, the standing of the vice presidency today, legitimizes the individual serving in the office, and furthers the influence of the vice president in the executive government. And, in telling the story of the development of the vice presidency, it is readily apparent that a combination of anecdotal and empirical evidence support the thesis of a changed institution, closely integrated with, and dependent upon, the presidency.

Using the Aristotelian concept of artistic proof, this thesis analyzes nine televised speeches presented by President Reagan from February 1981 through April 1983. Reagan skillfully utilizes only two modes of rhetorical proof--ethos and pathos. However, his lack of logical proof has not lessened his effectiveness. This study reveals several reasons for Reagan's rhetorical effectiveness and success. For example, Reagan's strong ethical image and personality comfort his audience and encourage their trust. His weaknesses in logical argument are overlooked by his audience because of his high personal appeal. Furthermore, Reagan's use of pathos appeals makes Americans feel good about themselves and their country, helping him to maintain his popularity. Finally, Reagan's skillful use of the television medium has increased his effectiveness.

Comparative case study consists of 12 chapters and is composed as qualitative research. The main goal of the study is to research the fake news used in chosen set of data, consisting of 13 television debates. The case study works with two cases - the presidential election in the Czech Republic (2018) and in Slovakia (2019). First part of the analysis deals with methodology and theoretical background for fake news and role of television debates in election campaign. Next part is dedicated to the analyzed cases of elections, briefly covering the development of the election campaign followed by analysis. The results of the analysis are summed up in the independent chapter. As the most used fake news themes in given debates the analysis identifies following: migration, negative attitude towards media, questionable funding of the campaign and attempts to influence the elections. The main difference in the cases is the nature of the competition, when the acting president is running for re-election. Keywords: Fake news, desinformation, president, elections, campaign, television debate, Miloš Zeman, Jiří Drahoš, Zuzana Čaputová, Maroš Šefčovič

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В магистерской диссертации изучаются официальные сайты полномочных представителей Президента России в федеральных округах. Уделено внимание развитию института полномочных представителей в России, анализируется информационное наполнение и функциональные возможности сайтов. Особое внимание уделено сравнительному анализу работы веб-сайтов. / The master's thesis studied the official sites of plenipotentiaries of the President of Russia in federal districts. Attention is paid to the development of the institute of authorized representatives in Russia, analyzes the content and functionality of the site. Particular attention is paid to the comparative analysis of the web sites.

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Studies on Presidential-Executive relations fails to empirically analyze whether or not modern presidential scandal can impact presidential-congressional relations. Meinke and Anderson (2001) find that presidential scandal impacts House of Representatives voting behavior on key votes cited by Congressional Quarterly. A slight revision and replication of Meinke and Anderson's research finds presidential scandal impacts Senate aggregate key votes reported by Congressional Quarterly. In addition, political party plays a more important role than scandal in determining the logged odds of Senate key votes and presidential agreement. / Master of Arts