Abstract Fundraising is a critical element for the success and survival of higher education institutions. These institutions are all dependent on financial contributions from alumni as well as philanthropic organizations and private benefactors to support the institution. The presidents of these institutions are instrumental in seeking and obtaining funds in order to maintain the stability of these colleges and universities. Presidents should be knowledgeable of the nuances that make an institution successful and must aim to create those environments. The purpose of this qualitative investigation was to examine college presidents’ approaches to fundraising at selected Historically Black Colleges or Universities (HBCUs) in the South Eastern region of the United States (US). This study examined the strategies employed by these institutions and particularly their presidents. It also examined the philosophies, experiences, and fundraising strategies currently being employed by the selected college and university presidents. In this study a blend of existing theories was used to construct the conceptual framework. Therefore, the conceptual framework addressed the cultural and social aspects of race and the role it plays in the participant’s environment through the use of Critical Race Theory and the relationship between presidents and benefactors through Social Exchange Theory. Stakeholder Theory defines those groups within an organization without whose support the organization would cease to exist (Freeman, Harrison, Wicks, Parmar, & DeColle, 2012). In this study, stakeholder theory was used to address and identify the parties that exist to support the organization such as the Board of Trustees, faculty, staff, students and alumni, as well as how these stakeholders’ interests are met. Lastly, Transformational Leadership Theory was used to address the leadership elements of the participants and how they communicate their vision and strategies for their fundraising campaigns. The results of the study, which intended to explore the experiences of presidents as they seek funds on behalf of their college or university, revealed that while the president of the institution is responsible for leading the fundraising efforts, additional entities also play a major role in the institution’s ability to successfully raise funds. Analysis of the data using a thematic approach produced themes regarding the president’s role in fundraising, the importance of messaging, fundraising strategies and barriers to fundraising. Implications for leaders of HBCUs include investing in and providing resources for the advancement office as that is the foundation for successful fundraising, actively and aggressively embracing fundraising as the primary duty in their role as president and selecting members with proven track records of giving for the Board of Trustees as they play a critical role in fundraising for the institution. Understanding the participants’ experiences and the challenges they face can greatly assist others currently in the field as well as incoming presidents as they assume the role as leaders of an HBCU institution.

This paper seeks to determine under what conditions a U.S. president can implement a grand strategy given the nature of domestic and international opportunities and constraints. It will examine three comparative case studies: Jimmy Carter, George W. Bush, and Barack Obama, with the goal of determining what conditions are necessary at the individual, domestic, and systemic levels of analysis for grand strategy implementation. At the individual level, it will apply operational code analysis, as well as an examination of personal characteristics for each case study. At the domestic level, it will apply a five-prong test for examining factors that are key to grand strategy implementation: (1) unity of foreign policy team; (2) strength of presidency; (3) party alignment between Congress and the president; (4) public opinion; and (5) strength of domestic economy. At the systemic level, it will examine significant events faced by each president that tested whether his grand strategy could respond effectively to international imperatives. Ultimately, it will assess the success of each president's attempt at grand strategy implementation based on: (1) how closely U.S. policies aligned with his grand strategy; and (2) whether policies put in place that aligned with his grand strategy improved the global standing of the U.S. Through this analysis, it will assess the larger implications of having a grand strategy on U.S. foreign policy.

This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)

Os idos de março e a queda em abril, primeiro livro publicado sobre a história do golpe de 1964, foi impresso no mês seguinte à queda do presidente João Goulart. Frequentemente utilizada por estudiosos que buscam acesso aos acontecimentos daqueles dias que marcaram a história brasileira, a obra foi produzida por oito jornalistas do Jornal do Brasil, periódico que se destacou na campanha para derrubar o governo. O conjunto das narrativas, coerente com o que foi publicado no veículo para o qual trabalhavam seus autores, é favorável ao golpe de Estado. Como fonte, portanto, a maior riqueza do documento está relacionada à possibilidade de melhor compreender a atuação dos profissionais da imprensa brasileira no período. / Os idos de março e a queda em abril, the first book published about the history of the 1964 coup détat, was printed in the month following President João Goularts fall. Often used by those who search access to the happenings of the days that marked Brazilian history, the book was written by eight journalists of Jornal do Brasil, a newspaper that stood out in the campaign to overthrow the government. The assemblage of the essays, coherent with what had been published in the newspaper for which the authors worked, is favorable to the coup détat. As a source of history, the most important aspect of the document is related to the possibility of better understanding the performance of the Brazilian Newspaper professionals in the period.

Os idos de março e a queda em abril, primeiro livro publicado sobre a história do golpe de 1964, foi impresso no mês seguinte à queda do presidente João Goulart. Frequentemente utilizada por estudiosos que buscam acesso aos acontecimentos daqueles dias que marcaram a história brasileira, a obra foi produzida por oito jornalistas do Jornal do Brasil, periódico que se destacou na campanha para derrubar o governo. O conjunto das narrativas, coerente com o que foi publicado no veículo para o qual trabalhavam seus autores, é favorável ao golpe de Estado. Como fonte, portanto, a maior riqueza do documento está relacionada à possibilidade de melhor compreender a atuação dos profissionais da imprensa brasileira no período. / Os idos de março e a queda em abril, the first book published about the history of the 1964 coup détat, was printed in the month following President João Goularts fall. Often used by those who search access to the happenings of the days that marked Brazilian history, the book was written by eight journalists of Jornal do Brasil, a newspaper that stood out in the campaign to overthrow the government. The assemblage of the essays, coherent with what had been published in the newspaper for which the authors worked, is favorable to the coup détat. As a source of history, the most important aspect of the document is related to the possibility of better understanding the performance of the Brazilian Newspaper professionals in the period.

This article reflects on the treaty-making power of the Congress and the President of the Republic in light of the Peruvian domestic law and International Law (particularly within the framework of the Vienna Convention of 1969 on the Law of Treaties) taking into account the discussions that arose betweenthe legislative and the executive powers regarding the ratification of the Extradition Treaty between Peru and France of 2016. The domestic law applicable to the conclusion of a treaty in Peru establishes that the President of the Republic is the only one who has the power to express the consent of the State to be bound by a treaty through ratification, which has internationallegal effects. The Congress has the power to approve treaties whose provisions are related to topics listed in Article 56 of 1993 Peruvian Constitution. The Congress’ legislative approval implies a parliamentary control regarding the acts of the President. However, Congress cannot compel the President to ratify a treaty (as it was discussed regarding the Extradition Treaty between Peru andFrance) neither issue the ratification. / Este artículo reflexiona en torno a las atribuciones para celebrar tratados que tienen el Congreso y el Presidente de la República a la luz del derecho interno peruano y del Derecho Internacional (en especial, de la Convención de Viena de 1969 sobre Derecho de los Tratados), teniendo en cuenta las discusiones que surgieron entre el Poder Legislativo y el Poder Ejecutivo con respecto a la ratificación del Tratado de Extradición entre la República de Perú y la República Francesa de 2016. Las normas internas aplicables a la celebración de tratados en el Perú establecen que el Presidente de la República es el único que está facultado para expresar el consentimiento del Estado en obligarse por un tratado al ratificarlo, lo cual tiene efectos jurídicos internacionales. La atribución del Congreso de aprobar los tratados cuyas materias están previstas en el artículo 56 de la Constitución Política del Perú de 1993 implica el control parlamentario a los actos del Presidente. No obstante, el Congreso no puede obligar al Presidente de la República a ratificar un tratado (como se discutió con relación al Tratado de Extradición entre la República de Perú y la República Francesa) ni es competente para emitir una ratificación.

Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-05-16T15:27:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 danielcerqueirapinto.pdf: 959426 bytes, checksum: 68a859bd7a3781bd34b6919537bf9464 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-05-16T15:57:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 danielcerqueirapinto.pdf: 959426 bytes, checksum: 68a859bd7a3781bd34b6919537bf9464 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-16T15:57:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 danielcerqueirapinto.pdf: 959426 bytes, checksum: 68a859bd7a3781bd34b6919537bf9464 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-17 / Golpe Civil-Militar de 1964 foi um acontecimento muito importante na história recente no Brasil. No contexto do início dos anos de 1960, após a renúncia do Presidente Jânio Quadros e posse de João Goulart, notou-se intensas conspirações de militares, políticos e dos setores produtivos contra o Presidente Goulart, incluindo propaganda política variada com capitais gerenciados pelo IPES e pelo IBAD visando à desestabilização final do governo. A participação do General Olympio Mourão Filho foi muito marcante para o sucesso destes acontecimentos. Ele teria agido como grande articulador, ou seja, um dos condutores das ideias que preparou o movimento por onde ele passou. Em 31 de março de 1964, o general Mourão Filho, que comandava a 4ª RM/4ª DI, em Juiz de Fora – MG, teria deslocado as tropas revoltosas em direção ao Rio de Janeiro a fim de depor o Presidente João Goulart e os generais legalistas e implantar novo governo a partir de 1º de abril. Mourão Filho iniciou seus trabalhos conspiratórios ainda em 1962, quando comandou a 3ª Divisão de Infantaria, em Santa Maria – RS, passando em seguida para São Paulo. No momento final, teria desprezado a articulação de outros setores, revoltando as tropas mineiras. A partir desta hipótese, procura-se destacar as relações entre segmentos da elite direitista nacional e dos militares com o próprio Presidente João Goulart, a fim de compreender a participação de Mourão Filho na articulação e nos rumos dos acontecimentos. / The Civil-Military Coup of 1964 is a very important happening in Brazil’s recent history. In the context of the beginning of the 1960’s, after the renunciation of President Jânio Quadros and after João Goulart took office, it has been noted intense conspirations from the military, politician and productive sectors against president Goulart, including varied politic propaganda sustained by IPES and IBAD, with eyes to finalize the destabilization of the government. The participation of General Olympio Mourão Filho was very important for the success of these events. He would have acted as the great articulator, i.e. one of the conductor of the ideas that prepared the movement through where he passed. In March 31, 1964 General Mourão Filho, who commanded the 4th Military Region/ 4th Infantry Division, in Juiz de Fora – MG, would have moved the revolting troops in direction to Rio de Janeiro with the meaning to depose President João Goulart and the legalist generals and establish a new government in April 1st. Mourão FIlho started his conspiratory works still in 1962, when he commanded the 3rd Infantry Division, in Santa Maria – RS, then moving to São Paulo. In the final moment, he would have despised the articulation of other sectors, revolting the Minas Gerais troops. From this hypothesis on, this work intends to highlight relations between segments of the rightist national elite and of the military and their relation with President João Goulart, in order to understand the participation of Mourão Filho in the articulation and the flow of the events.

Submitted by MARCIO MOTA PEREIRA (drmmota@yahoo.com.br) on 2013-04-30T00:26:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO FINAL DE MESTRADO.pdf: 3926355 bytes, checksum: 3c84da032d639cc45c02a8fc79151467 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rafael Aguiar (rafael.aguiar@fgv.br) on 2013-05-10T14:45:30Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO FINAL DE MESTRADO.pdf: 3926355 bytes, checksum: 3c84da032d639cc45c02a8fc79151467 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2013-05-15T11:54:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO FINAL DE MESTRADO.pdf: 3926355 bytes, checksum: 3c84da032d639cc45c02a8fc79151467 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-05-15T11:55:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO FINAL DE MESTRADO.pdf: 3926355 bytes, checksum: 3c84da032d639cc45c02a8fc79151467 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-18 / This study aims to understand how was the creating of national parks in Brazil. For this, we will make a historical and economic retrospective of the activities that culminated in more environmental damage in Brazil as well as a brief survey of established instruments, each in their own time, while responsible for the reduction or even the portrayal of such damages. Among these instruments quoted na tional parks, one of qualities of conservation units established as a methodology for to stop the explorat ion about a specific biome. We will conclude this dissertation with an analysis of the reasons for the inclusion of the first national park in the Brazilian region of the Serra da Man tiqueira. The Itatiaia National Park was established during the first government of President Vargas , strategically located between the major cities of the country showed up at the same time as an area of environmental preservation and enjoyment of vacat ioners, serving to safeguard biota and leisure. He was a model for the other six dozen national parks that are part of our conservation units and continues calling attention by the scenic beauty and environmental diversity that protects. / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo compreender como se deu a política de criação de parques nacionais no Brasil. Para tanto, faremos à luz da história uma retrospectiva das atividades econômicas que mais culminaram em prejuízos ambientais no Brasil assim como um sucinto levantamento dos instrumentos estabelecidos, cada um à sua época, enquanto responsáveis pela redução ou mesmo pela retratação destes danos. Dentre estes instrumentos citamos os parques nacionais, uma das várias qualidades de unidades de conservação estabelecidas enquanto metodologia responsável por diminuir o avanço exploratório sobre um bioma específico. Concluiremos essa dissertação com uma análise dos motivos que justificaram a inserção do primeiro parque nacional brasileiro na região Serra da Mantiqueira. O Parque Nacional do Itatiaia, criado durante o primeiro governo do Presidente Vargas e estrategicamente localizado entre as maiores cidades do país apresentava-se ao mesmo tempo como um espaço de preservação ambiental e de deleite de veranistas, servindo à salvaguarda biota e ao lazer. Foi modelo para as outras seis dezenas de parques nacionais que fazem parte de nossas unidades de conservação e continua chamando a atenção pela beleza cênica e pela diversidade ambiental que protege.

This thesis deals with the conservatively authoritarian collaboration movement led by the so-called State President of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, Emil Hácha, who belongs to the controversial figures of our modern history. The thesis is concerned with Hácha's ideological orientation as a radical conservative and with the historicist concept of the Czech statehood as the two main bases of his approach to collaboration on whose grounds the policy of actual cooperation with the Nazi occupiers was realised. In connection with Hácha's specific type of collaboration, emphasis is placed on his negative relationship with the first independent Czechoslovak Republic and its liberal democratic regime, and, on the other hand, on his friendly relationship with the Greater German Reich and supra-state systems in general. In order to demonstrate the practice of E. Hácha's policies, attention is paid to the President's and his supporters' loyal pro-German speeches, activities of the organisations founded by Hácha -- Národní souručenství (National Community) and Český svaz pro spolupráci s Němci (Czech Union for Cooperation with Germans) -- and Hácha's attitude towards the Czech resistance movement. The thesis also depicts the change of Hácha's leading position in the autonomous administration of the Protectorate in connection with the Nazi intentions that were put into practice in the Czech area from his election to the end of the war. Another aim of the thesis, in order to assess in detail the form of the President's pro-German cooperation, is to compare Hácha's group with the Czech fascist movement, and the collaborating journalists around E. Moravec. The primary focus is on the ideological conflict and political struggle for power among the collaborative movements, their different attitudes to the German occupation administration, and their exploitability by Nazi policies in the Protectorate. The final part of the thesis deals with opinions of contemporary society on E. Hácha's Protectorate policies, including reactions of the resistance at home and abroad. On this basis, the post-war statements given by the representatives of Hácha's collaboration movement to the National Court in the process of "national cleansing" are compared with their actual activities during the time of the occupation. The thesis draws from archive materials, contemporary printed sources, and scholarly literature that covers the topic of collaboration in the Protectorate.

The administration of President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1992 saw several firsts in both American foreign policy towards the Middle East, and in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. At the beginning of the Bush Presidency, the intifada was raging in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, and by the time it was over negotiations were already in progress for the most comprehensive agreement brokered in the history of the conflict to that point, the Oslo Accords. This paper will serve two purposes. First, it will delineate the relationships between the players in the Middle East and President Bush during the first year of his presidency. It will also explore his foreign policy towards the Middle East, and argue that it was the efforts of George H. W. Bush, and his diplomatic team that enabled the signing of the historic agreement at Oslo.