In his first term as president, George W. Bush was confronted with one of the worst national attacks in United States history: the September 11 terrorist attacks of 2001. Through the devastation, however, President Bush triumphed in unifying and guiding this nation during what would become the height of his rhetorical leadership. Following his reelection in 2004, President Bush faced one of the worst natural disasters in the nation's history: Category 4 Hurricane Katrina. In its aftermath, Katrina became known as "one of the worst mishandled disasters ever." Utilizing Kenneth Burke's pentad, this study analyzes the president's rhetorical response and the primetime network news coverage following each crisis in an attempt to determine how President Bush could fare so well in one instance, consoling and leading the American people, while falling short in his second major crisis during his term as president. / Master of Arts

Alfredo Ildefonso Schuster (1880-1954), abate di San Paolo fuori le Mura e, successivamente, arcivescovo di Milano dal 1929 al 1954, ricoprì, durante il periodo romano, importanti incarichi sia all’interno dell’Ordine benedettino che della curia romana per volontà di Pio X, Benedetto XV e Pio XI. Egli diede un contributo decisivo in svariati ambiti: insegnò presso la Scuola di Musica sacra, fu consultore della Congregazione dei Riti, preside del Pontificio Istituto Orientale e presidente della Pontificia Commissione di arte sacra. Personalità particolarmente sensibile, fu in contatto con il mondo benedettino europeo, sostenne il movimento liturgico e si mostrò aperto verso la Chiesa ortodossa e gli ebrei. Dal punto di vista politico, infine, Schuster affermò con chiarezza la necessità che lo Stato riconoscesse l’importante azione sociale della Chiesa, denunciando le ingerenze e i soprusi commessi sia dal governo liberale che da quello fascista. / Alfredo Ildefonso Schuster (1880-1954) was a Benedictine monk at the Basilica of Saint-Paul-Outside-the-Walls in Rome and Archbishop of Milan from 1929 to 1954. During his stay in Rome he held high offices for both the Benedictine order and the Roman Curia thanks to Popes Pius X, Benedict XV and Pius XI. He provided decisive contributions to various fields: teacher at the Institute of Sacred Music, Consultor to the Sacred Congregation of Rites, President of the Pontifical Oriental Institute and President of the Commission for Sacred Art. Man with a highly sensitive personality, Cardinal Schuster got in touch with the European Benedictine community, promoted the Liturgical Movement and showed his openness to the Orthodox Church and the Jewish people. In the political field Schuster clearly stated the necessity of the State to admit the important social action carried on by the Church, while blaming interferences and abuses of both the Liberal and Fascist Government.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 38-39).

Primary aim of this thesis is to describe the effects of direct elections on the nature of the political regime in the Czech Republic. Specifically, author focus on the distinctive attributes of various forms of government, which are then applied to the current state regime in the Czech Republic after the introduction of direct presidential elections and whether it effectively means a transition from parliamentary to semi-presidential regime. Historical analysis of the presidential office in the Czech countries describes the phenomenon of its extraordinary role and respectability, which is reflected in the contemporary political realities and have a major influence on the functioning of the state. Theoretical analysis deals with impacts introduction of the direct presidential election had on the constitutional order of the Czech Republic and disproves various arguments, which once lead to its legislative implementation. Using a descriptive analysis of the behaviour of the first directly elected president Miloš Zeman, author tries to unveil actual jurisdictional disputes between him and other elements of power. The result is a detailed description of the existing cooperation between individual people and institutions of power within the regime and its final character assessment accompanied by...

The Reagan Administration took office in 1981 and began to implement against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), what became known as the Reagan Doctrine. The was an effort to break with previous the previous presidential administration’s policies toward the USSR and would involve the rollback of Communism, instead of simply just co-existing with Communism (Détente) or containing the spread of it. Part of the area that was subject to the Reagan Doctrine included the volatile southern African region, which had two Marxist-Leninist Regimes, namely Angola and Mozambique. Using Graham Allison’s bureaucratic political model, this study attempts to answer the question: “Even when all the prerequisites were met, why was there a decision to only implement a modified form of the Reagan Doctrine in Mozambique, instead of a full-blown effort, such as in, for example Angola or Afghanistan?” As will be shown in the research, the Reagan Doctrine was not a written doctrine, but had many different facets, as will be shown. The most significant part of the Reagan Doctrine was the recognition and arming of insurgents who confronted the Soviet backed regimes including RENAMO. There have been claims that the US Government did not recognize RENAMO. This is false as will be shown by the fact that President Reagan urged FRELIMO to negotiate with the RENAMO resistance. The real significance of this is that even if all prerequisites were met, why was there such reluctance to apply the doctrine with the veracity as compared to the effort in Angola and Afghanistan in arming RENAMO. Was the United States Government still trapped in the “Vietnam Syndrome”? Did the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) have the 3 same political and charismatic qualities as the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)? Were special interests or lobbyists influencing government bureaucrats to view decisions in a specific way? A significant part of this study is devoted to the question of how much influence did the bureaucracy and the politicians (both appointed and career) had on the important national security decision-making process involving Mozambique. Another question that could be asked is: Was the doctrine indirectly applied through third parties? In 1989 when the Reagan Administration ended, did President Reagan and the Reagan Administration achieve their objectives toward Mozambique. If so, was this due to the Reagan Doctrine or other factors? If not, did any actors or events interfere with the strategy? / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

The Reagan Administration took office in 1981 and began to implement against the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), what became known as the Reagan Doctrine. The was an effort to break with previous the previous presidential administration’s policies toward the USSR and would involve the rollback of Communism, instead of simply just co-existing with Communism (Détente) or containing the spread of it. Part of the area that was subject to the Reagan Doctrine included the volatile southern African region, which had two Marxist-Leninist Regimes, namely Angola and Mozambique. Using Graham Allison’s bureaucratic political model, this study attempts to answer the question: “Even when all the prerequisites were met, why was there a decision to only implement a modified form of the Reagan Doctrine in Mozambique, instead of a full-blown effort, such as in, for example Angola or Afghanistan?” As will be shown in the research, the Reagan Doctrine was not a written doctrine, but had many different facets, as will be shown. The most significant part of the Reagan Doctrine was the recognition and arming of insurgents who confronted the Soviet backed regimes including RENAMO. There have been claims that the US Government did not recognize RENAMO. This is false as will be shown by the fact that President Reagan urged FRELIMO to negotiate with the RENAMO resistance. The real significance of this is that even if all prerequisites were met, why was there such reluctance to apply the doctrine with the veracity as compared to the effort in Angola and Afghanistan in arming RENAMO. Was the United States Government still trapped in the “Vietnam Syndrome”? Did the Mozambique National Resistance (RENAMO) have the 3 same political and charismatic qualities as the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA)? Were special interests or lobbyists influencing government bureaucrats to view decisions in a specific way? A significant part of this study is devoted to the question of how much influence did the bureaucracy and the politicians (both appointed and career) had on the important national security decision-making process involving Mozambique. Another question that could be asked is: Was the doctrine indirectly applied through third parties? In 1989 when the Reagan Administration ended, did President Reagan and the Reagan Administration achieve their objectives toward Mozambique. If so, was this due to the Reagan Doctrine or other factors? If not, did any actors or events interfere with the strategy? / Political Sciences / M.A. (International Politics)

This short dissertation deals with separation of powers and federalism in African constitutionalism through the South African case. It investigates the extent to which the new South Africa complies with these two principles. The separation of powers in the new South Africa gives rise to a sui generis parliamentary regime, which is borrowing both from the Westminster model and the presidential one. On the other hand, the principle of federalism has been taken into consideration seriously, but South Africa has not become a fully-fledged federation. The result is a well-matched marriage between semi-parliamentarism and quasifederalism, which is the South African contribution to constitutionalism and democracy required by the African Renaissance. The dissertation comes to the conclusion that all in all the new South Africa complies with the two constitutional principles under consideration. It is a constitutional state, one of the very few exceptions on a continent laboriously emerging from authoritarianism. / Law / Thesis (LL.M.)--University of South Africa, 1998. / LL. M. (Law)

Le but de ce mémoire est d’analyser l’évolution de la politique africaine du Brésil et des relations Brésil-Afrique, en mettant l’accent sur les changements apportés par le président Lula da Silva depuis son arrivé au pouvoir en 2003. La portée du travail couvre la période allant du milieu des années 1980 jusqu’en 2015, alors se prolongeant dans l’administration de Dilma Rousseff. Il suit le cadre théorique proposé par David Collier et Ruth Collier (1991) relatif aux conjonctures critiques, incluant quelques adaptations pour le contexte de cette recherche. L’étude est divisée en quatre chapitres, en partant d’une revue de littérature, suivie par une analyse de l’engagement brésilien en Afrique entre 1985 et 2002. Les deux derniers chapitres se concentrent, respectivement, sur la conjoncture critique hypothétique et sur l’héritage de la nouvelle politique africaine du Brésil. Le travail termine par tirer des conclusions ainsi que par souligner des contributions pour l’étude de la politique étrangère du Brésil, y compris sur l’applicabilité des modèles théoriques peu utilisés dans le domaine, tels que celui des conjonctures critiques. / The purpose of this dissertation is to analyse the evolution of Brazil’s African policy and Brazil-African relations, lending particular emphasis to those changes brought by President Lula da Silva since his accession to power in 2003. The scope of the work covers the period from the mid-1980s through 2015, extending into President Dilma Rousseff‘s administration. It follows the theoretical framework proposed by David Collier and Ruth Collier (1991) on critical junctures, including some adaptations to the context of the present research. The study is divided into four main chapters, starting with the literature review, followed by an analysis of Brazil’s African engagement between 1985 and 2002. Immediately after, the two remaining chapters, respectively, focus on the hypothesized critical juncture and the legacy of Brazil’s new African policy. The work closes by drawing conclusions and stating its contribution to the broader study of Brazil’s foreign policy, including the applicability of underexplored theoretical models in the field, such as the critical junctures framework. / O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar a evolução da política africana do Brasil e as relações Brasil-África, dando ênfase especial às mudanças trazidas pelo Presidente Lula da Silva desde sua ascensão ao poder em 2003. O escopo do trabalho cobre o período desde os meados dos anos 1980 até 2015, estendendo-se até a administração da Presidente Dilma Rousseff. O arcabouço teórico escolhido é aquele proposto por David Collier and Ruth Collier (1991) que focaliza conjunturas críticas, incluindo algumas adaptações para o contexto da presente pesquisa. O estudo é dividido em quatro capítulos principais, iniciando pela revisão de literatura, seguida de uma análise do comprometimento africano do Brasil entre 1985 e 2002. Logo a seguir, os dois capítulos restantes focalizam, respectivamente, a conjuntura crítica hipotetizada e o legado da nova política africana do Brasil. O trabalho finaliza apresentando conclusões e afirmando sua contribuição para o estudo mais abrangente da política exterior do Brasil, incluindo-se a aplicabilidade de modelos teóricos pouco explorados na área, tais como a perspectiva das conjunturas críticas.

Ce mémoire analyse le phénomène de l’humour politique envers les chefs d’État égyptiens (Moubarak, Moursi et Es-Sissi) sur les places publiques et sur les réseaux sociaux durant les soulèvements du printemps arabe entre 2011 et 2015 qui furent remplis de tumultes, de divisions et de déceptions. L’humour politique était très présent dès le premier moment et a non seulement joué un rôle important comme marqueur de transformations dans le système politique, mais aussi comme marqueur du déroulement d’un drame social qui connaît des phases d’évolution et de régression, voire un retour vers un point de départ. Alors que la symbolique du chef d’État égyptien implique la mobilisation d’une image locale d’Ibn El Balad (égyptien authentique et fils du pays), père et unificateur d’un peuple sensible à son héritage millénaire et à ses traditions, l’humour politique reflète à la fois les aspirations des jeunes activistes branchés sur le monde pour une société civile basée sur le respect des droits de la personne et le rappel populaire constant des valeurs traditionnelles fondatrices de la nation égyptienne que le président égyptien doit incarner, soit la famille et la religion. Même si le tabou du président est brisé, le champ politique semble retourner vers un point de départ. Le peu de libéralisme gagné avec ces tumultes révolutionnaires depuis cinq ans se trouve détourné et devient plutôt un signe négatif dans une société qui, une fois revenue à la normale, demeure profondément conservatrice. / This thesis analyzes the phenomenon of political humor to the head of the Egyptian State (Mubarak, Mursi and Es-Sissi) on public squares and on social networks during the Arab Spring uprisings between 2011 and 2015, which was a period of turmoil, divisions and disappointments. Political humor was very present from the first moment, and has not only played an important role as a marker of changes in the political system, but also as a marker of the progress of a social drama who knows evolution and regression phases, or even a return to a starting point. While the symbolism of the Egyptian head of state involves the mobilization of a local image of Ibn El-Balad (authentic Egyptian and son of the country), father and unifier of a people sensitive to its old heritage and traditions, political humor reflects both the aspirations of young activists globally connected to a civil society based on respect for human rights and the constant reminder of traditional values, founders of the Egyptian nation that the Egyptian President must embody, such as family and religion . Although the taboo president is broken, the political field seems to return to a starting point and limited liberalism gained with these revolutionary turmoil for five years is hijacked and becomes a more negative sign in a society which, once returned to normal rest deeply conservative.

The diploma thesis concerns itself with a struggle of the administration of the Protectorate Bohemia and Moravia to deal with the consequences of the German action of 17th November, when as a revenge for previous demonstrations Czech universities in the Protectorate were closed and more than a thousand of their students were arrested and sent to concentration camps in Germany. The thesis is divided into 4 main chapters. The first one concerns itself concisely with reasons, course and immediate consequences of the German "Special action of 17th November 1939". The content of the second chapter is formed by an exposition of a struggle to achieve liberation of the jailed students and their comeback home that was realised by the interventions of the state president Hácha and the Protectorate government at the representatives of the occupation regime; and then an inquest of their tactics and its successfulness at these interventions. A topic of the next chapter is a description and an analysis of the problems accompanying the closure of Czech universities, with which the Protectorate government was also forced to deal. Among them there were for example a placement of the students, who were not jailed but prevented from continuing in their studies and whom the Protectorate government strove to protect...