The thesis identifies and further examines the role of propaganda in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, more specifically in the period around the annexation of the Crimean peninsula by the Russian Federation in March 2014. Critical discourse analysis is employed in order to analyse selected speeches of the President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, and the President of the United States of America, Barack Obama, relevant to the topic and in the period under investigation. The first chapter introduces a theoretical framework on propaganda in international relations, its definition, history and research. The methodology is described in detail in the second chapter. The historical context of the conflict is provided at the beginning of the empirical part of the thesis closely followed by a detailed analysis of the selected speeches. The findings support the prediction that there is a presence of propaganda identified within the speeches of both political leaders, thus in the conflict itself, and offer valuable insights into the hidden meanings and possible motives behind its use. The study advances our understanding of the phenomenon and helps us to expose and confront propaganda further.

半總統制的運作特色是行政權力分別由總統和總理掌握，當半總統制的總統權力較小，就會由總理主導行政權力，此時半總統制的運作模式趨近於內閣制。但過去較少有文獻比較總統權力較小的半總統制國家，與內閣制國家的實際政治運作，是否有顯著的差異。本文先參照Wu(2012)的分類，選擇準內閣制做為總統權力較小的半總統制次類型，再與內閣制國家做比較。 本文的研究結果，發現準內閣制與內閣制之間，在國會的有效政黨數目、無黨籍總理出現的機率、總統總理同黨的機率沒有顯著的差異。顯示準內閣制的總統如同Wu分類的定義，不會介入任命過程，另外，總統選舉的衣尾效應也無法使大黨的席次增加。在總理任期的比較方面，雖然兩種制度的總理任期沒有顯著的差異，不過準內閣制的總理遭遇提前選舉下台的風險，低於內閣制，且準內閣制的總理連任機率也低於內閣制。這些結果皆表示，準內閣制的總統雖然不會介入組閣過程，但有可能對於國會的選舉時程產生影響，使總理無法在最佳時機發動國會提前選舉，進一步降低總理的連任機率。 綜合本文的研究發現，再對照過去的相關理論。半總統制與內閣制在實際運作上，仍然有一些差異。近年來，學界認為總統權力不是半總統制的重要條件，實際上，即使在總統權力較小的國家，總統權力可能還是有重要的影響。 / The executive power in semi-presidentialism is shared by the president and prime minister where the prime minister will control executive power with a weak president, and the political practice will be like those found in parlimentarism. There are very few articles examining the difference between parlimentarism and semi-presidentialism with a weak president. This paper compares the political practice of semi-presidentialism with a weak president and parlimentarism in different countries. The case selection criteria of a weak president is based on Wu(2012). In his research, quasi-parlimentarism is a subtype of semi-presidentialism, that the president has weak power. The result of this research demonstrates that effective number of parties in parliamentary, probability of non-party prime minister, president and prime minister in the same party have no significant difference between two institutions. This means that in the quasi-parlimentarism the coattail effect of a presidential election does not ensure more seats for a large party, and the president has a weak power to appoint the cabinet. Although the duration of the term of a prime minister has no significant difference, the hazard of early election, and probability of prime minister renewal in quasi-parlimentarism is less than parlimentarism. This means that a president in quasi-parlimentarism has blocked dissolution of parliamentary, and the prime minister cannot call for an early election at his or her favorable time. In summary, the political practice of semi-presidentialism is different than parlimentarism. Presidential power is an important feature of semi-presidentialism, even in small presidential power, a semi-presidentialism country, and its president have great influence on politics.

The thesis is about the relationship between State and Church, taking note of alternative relations which existed over the ages. The government of Bophuthatswana declared their state to be Christian. The main emphasis was that the Batswana were religious people who were deeply Christian and thus the state was to become Christian as well. This was not separated from the issue of land which also was seen as a gift from God for them. Winterveld was used as a case study to show how the state was justifying its own actions to discriminate against non-Batswana from obtaining citizenship and denying them access to land. The transition period showed that the church stood on the other side of the fence when it supported changes that were sweeping South Africa and calling for the end of states such as Bophuthatswana. This saw the new secular state of South Africa coming into existence. / Theology & Religion / D. Th. (Church History)

Text in Afrikaans / In die politieke en administratiewe stelsel van Frankryk bestaan die ministeriele cabinet as 'n instelling eiesoortig aan Frankryk, met die doel om ministers individueel in stoat te stel om die politieke wil van die regering ten uitvoer te bring. Die gesag van die cabinets is kontroversieel en word enersyds geprys en andersyds gekritiseer. Die Franse ministeriele cabinet neem die plek in van 'n permanente departementshoof. en bestaan uit 'n groep persoonlike personeel wot aan elke minister verbonde is. Sy funksie is om horn te ondersteun en te adviseer sodat hy 'n ingeligte oordeel kan fel voordat hy besluite neem, en ook om te verseker dot sy beleid geformuleer, verduidelik en uitgevoer word. Die ministeriele cabinet was oorspronklik 'n politieke instelling wot in die algemeen uit politieke bondgenote van die minister bestaan het. In die Vyfde Republiek het dit egter ontwikkel tot 'n formele instelling. Dit het 'n onontbeerlike rol begin speel om die skakeling van die politieke stelsel met die administratiewe stelsel te bewerkstellig en ko6rdinering te verseker. Net soos die ministers, funksioneer die cabinets op daardie kruispunte waar verskeie politieke en administratiewe instellings met mekaar skakel. Hulle vervul gevolglik 'n sleutelrol om skakeling te fasiliteer en samewerking te bewerkstellig. Ministeriele cabinets verbind dus die politieke partye, die Parlement, belangegroepe en drukgroepe met ministeries (staatsdepartemente) as uiNoerende instellings. In hierdie proefskrif word die funksionering van die cabinets ontleed en hulle besondere rol in die Franse politieke en administratiewe stelsel vertolk. Die skrywer het bevind dot, waar cabinets effektief funksioneer, hulle doelmatige en doeltreffende meganismes is om die verhouding tussen die politieke en administratiewe stelsel in die bree te versterk tot voordeel van goele regering. Cabinets wot egter nie effektief funksioneer nie, lei tot 'n verswakking in die verhoudinge in en tussen ministeries met nadelige gevolge vir die regering. Voorts is bevind dot die cabinets 'n belangrike rol vervul om die kloof tussen die minister en die amptenare in sy ministerie te oorbrug. 'n Cabinet kan dus 'n minister se loopbaan bevorder of benadeel. / The French political and administrative system includes the ministerial cabinet, a uniquely French institution that exists with the purpose of enabling individual ministers to execute the political will of the government. The authority of the cabinets is either praised or criticised. The French ministerial cabinet substitutes for a permanent head of a deportment, and consists of a group of personal staff serving each minister. Its function is to support and advise him, in order to enable him to make informed judgements before taking decisions, and also to ensure that his policy is formulated. clarified and executed. In its original form the ministerial cabinet was a political institution, generally consisting of political allies of the minister. However. in the Fifth Republic it was transformed into a formal institution. It acquired an indispensable role in effecting liaison and co-ordination of the political system with the administrative system. The cabinets, like the ministers, function at the intersections of political and administrative institutions. Thus they play a key role in facilitating liaison. Hence. ministerial cabinets link the political parties, Parliament, interest groups and pressure groups, with the ministries (state deportments) as executive institutions. This thesis consists of an analysis of the functioning of cabinets, and interprets their particular role in the French political and administrative system. The author has found that where cabinets function as efficient and effective mechanisms, they strengthen the relationship of the political and administrative systems in general to the advantage of good governance. Ineffective cabinets, however. impair the relations within and among ministries to the disadvantage of the government. It has also been established that cabinets play an important role in bridging the gap between the minister and the officials in his ministry. A cabinet can thus improve or damage a minister's career. / Public Administration and Management / D. Litt. et Phil. (Publieke Administrasie)

This item contains the agenda, minutes, and attachments for the Faculty Senate meeting on this date. There may be additional materials from the meeting available at the Faculty Center.

The Master's Thesis on the Inflow of the Federal Republic of Germany in the Western Security System, 1969-1974, consists of four and tied parts. The first part is an introduction, which has put the reader into the problem of this work. It also includes the methodology of processing of the archival sources and secondary literature and their evaluation too. The Second part is an analyses of the question of Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT), the importance of this Treaty for the future development and the position of the so-called Grand coaliton in relation to NPT. The third part is an analyses the question of détente policy and conception of Willy Brandt's European security policy, then the problem of the implications of the US/USSR Strategic Arms Limitation Talks for the security status of the Federal Republic of Germany and also the developing of mutual relationships of FRG with NATO in SALT process and involvement of the Nixon administrative in this policy. This chapter also includes the problem of the question of the importance of SPD/FDP security policy in an international context. The fourth chapter is a study of the internal political reasons of Willy Brandt's security policy, mainly the problem of existence of a terrorist group, the Red Army Faction. At the end of this...

This diploma thesis attends to personnel "purge" in the field of public administration in Czechoslovakia after World War II in a broader context. "The purge" of civil servants is presented in the context of the overall development of the Czechoslovak Republic in the period 1945 -1948 and with the general requests of the postwar "purge". The attention is paid to the status of civil servants, particularly in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia and in the postwar period. The next part of this thesis is focused on the activity of the purgatory commissions, which operated on the basis of the Decree of the President. In the selected ministries is performed the analysis and the comparison of the model cases of "purge" of the civil servants.

La "Faith-based" diplomatie américaine et les ambiguïtés du plan Marshall : le cas de la France dans l’après-guerre. Le Président Harry S. Truman (1945-1953) affirme dès 1946 que les E.U. doivent s’armer d'une « diplomatie fondée sur la foi » pour encourager la reconstruction spirituelle d'une Europe « déchristianisée » face au communisme. Pour faire barrage au marxisme de l’Union Soviétique, il fallait commencer par la France, vue comme la pierre de voûte spirituelle. Plus que toute autre nation, elle bénéficie avec le plan Marshall d'un puissant soutien financier militaire, économique et d'une conquête des cœurs et des esprits. De multiples agences interviennent dans cette période alors que les Églises américaines redécouvrent cette terre de mission. Généralement articulées autour de la conviction religieuse des Présidents, les initiatives sont relayées sur le terrain par l’engagement d’acteurs privés. Officialisée en 1998 par le président Clinton dans la promulgation de l’Acte international sur la liberté religieuse, cette approche a justifié la ténacité des missionnaires de 1945 à nos jours dans une France catholique religieusement peu diverse. Encouragées par le quatrième Réveil la plupart des missions américaines, églises protestantes historiques, nouvelles religions ou NMR (mormons, adventistes, témoins de Jéhovah etc...) et Évangéliques ont bien accueilli cette opportunité, phase d’introduction pour certaines ou de redémarrage pour d’autres déjà présentes dès le 19ème siècle. Bien que l'entreprise de « nation building » économique et culturelle de la France ait été perçue par l’opinion américaine de l’époque comme l'une des plus décevantes de l’après-guerre, les résultats de la transformation de la société française sont apparus avec un décalage dans le temps. Pouvons-nous alors retracer les sources des mutations transatlantiques des religions d'origine américaine et l’évolution du paysage religieux français aux activités gouvernementales et missionnaires en ce début de la Guerre froide ? / President Harry S. Truman (1945-1953) claims in 1946 that the U.S. should advance a "faith-based" diplomacy to encourage the spiritual reconstruction of a “dechristianized” Europe .To stand in the way of a Marxist and Godless Soviet Union, it has to begin with France, seen as the spiritual stone arch. More than in any other nation, the Marshall Plan brings a financial, economic and military support, willing to conquer hearts and minds. Many key governmental agencies are involved in this time period, while American churches engaged in aid relief are rediscovering France as a new mission territory. Usually strongly influenced by the religious conviction of the Presidents, "Faith-based policies” supporting Foreign policies are reinforced on the ground by the engagement of private voluntary organizations (PVOs). Formalized in 1998 by President Clinton as a tool in Foreign policy in the enactment of the Act on International Religious Freedom, this approach justifies the tenacity of missionaries from 1945 to the present day in a secular and catholic France. Encouraged by the Fourth Awakening, most American missions, mainstream Protestant churches, new religions like NRM (Mormonism, Adventists, Jehovah's Witnesses, etc...) and Evangelicals, welcome this mixed opportunity: a comeback for a few denominations already presents in the 19th century and for others a chance for a fresh beginning. Although the business of "nation building”, the reshaping of the economic and cultural life of France, is perceived by the American public opinion as one of the most disappointing of the post-war, a deeply transformed French society will later emerge. The overlapping of American public and private organizations, of American churches and missionaries lay the groundwork for the radical transformation of a French monolithic religious landscape. Without doubt this can be traced to this short and critical experimental period of the Early Cold War.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Fagundes Cezar.pdf: 2603035 bytes, checksum: 3b082ac06436aa640a2d72a08a30521d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-30 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / This dissertation analyzes the domestic constraints that arose during the formulation and voting of US trade policy throughout Bill Clinton s administration (1993-2001) and the manner in which the Executive adjusted to these obstacles. An analytical narrative is undertaken with emphasis on: 1) the approval of NAFTA (1993); 2) the constraints to the renewal of fast-track authority (1997); 3) trade relations with China (1993-1996) and with Japan (1993-1995), 4) the normalization of trade relations with China and the WTO ministerial conference in Seattle (1999-2000). The analytic framework contains elements of different approaches such as decision units approach and bureaucratic politics model, based on the assumption that decision is made through coalitions. We argue that the way trade policy was formulated was essential for the results achieved and that the constraints were the result of divisions in the Congress, society and Executive and the difficulties related to the coordination of these actors. We conclude that the analysis provided allows us to understand more clearly the domestic constraints to the US trade policy and the manner in which the Executive adjusted to these obstacles by considering the relationship among the main actors within the decision-making process / A dissertação analisa as dificuldades domésticas apresentadas à formulação e à aprovação de política externa comercial nos EUA durante o governo de Bill Clinton (1993-2001) e a forma pela qual o Executivo se ajustou a esses obstáculos. Faz-se uma narrativa analítica, tendo com ênfase 1) a aprovação do NAFTA (1993), 2) os entraves ao processo de renovação do fast-track (1997), 3) as relações comerciais com a China (1993-1996) e com o Japão (1993-1995), 4) a normalização das relações comerciais com a China e reunião ministerial da OMC em Seattle (1999-2000). O quadro analítico contém elementos de distintas abordagens, como a das unidades de decisão e da política burocrática, partindo da premissa de que o processo decisório em política externa comercial se dá por meio de coalizões. Argumenta-se que a forma como se elaborou a política comercial durante o governo Clinton foi essencial para que se chegasse aos resultados obtidos, sendo que os entraves no processo foram resultado das divisões no Congresso, na sociedade e no Executivo e das dificuldades de coordenação entre esses atores. Conclui-se que a análise oferecida, ao considerar os principais atores e seu relacionamento no processo decisório, permite entender com mais clareza os entraves domésticos à política externa comercial, bem como o modo pelo qual o Executivo se ajustou a tais entraves

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T16:33:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Omar Schneider.pdf: 1494610 bytes, checksum: fcc727d704e2a0a2c976df75068104d9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-02-23 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims at understanding the reform of the public instruction that took place in 1882, in the State of Espírito Santo, by the Province president, Inglês de Souza. It id based on the hypothesis that the circulation of pedagogical models, during the Second Empire, is a mark of representation fights that engendered in the period and delimited the substitution of teaching methods used for teachers formation in basic schools and of the elementary school students. To understand the reform and unveil the circulation of pedagogical methods found in it, the Province president s role as a manager of the Empire business and as an agent of the State organization and control was analyzed. In this process, it was studied the experiences performed by Inglês de Souza in the three Provinces which he had public duties (São Paulo, Sergipe and Espírito Santo). This way, it aims at understanding the school model revealed by Inglês de Souza and the school form proposed in his reforms. The research shows that the reformed public instruction was seen by Inglês de Souza as the only possible hope for Brazil s modernization and the way to integrate the Empire to the century level . The reform, as a modernization strategy which he undertook, was produced according to his liberal and positivist convictions, about the educational virtues as a progress factor that did not consider the necessary teaching laicization. This way, the Modern Pedagogy that he supported in his reforms is that one based on the intuitive teaching and on the lessons of things that he will designate as experimental pedagogy, so in this model, the sensitive experience came first, as a concrete teaching, on the opposite to the methods that used to initiate the learning process through abstract notions / Esta tese busca compreender a reforma da instrução pública realizada, em 1882, no Espírito Santo pelo presidente da Província Inglês de Sousa. Parte da hipótese que a circulação dos modelos pedagógicos, durante o Segundo Império, é marca das lutas de representações que se engendram no período, e balizam a substituição dos métodos de ensino empregados para a formação dos professores nas escolas normais e dos alunos das escolas primárias. Para entender a reforma e desvelar a circulação dos modelos pedagógicos nela contidos, foi analisado o papel desempenhado pelo presidente de Província como administrador dos negócios do Império e agente de controle e organização do Estado. Nesse sentido, foram estudadas as experiências desenvolvidas por Inglês de Sousa nas três Províncias em que assumiu cargos públicos (São Paulo, Sergipe e Espírito Santo). Procurou-se compreender o modelo escolar que Inglês de Sousa divulgou e a forma escolar proposta em suas reformas. A pesquisa aponta que a instrução pública reformada foi compreendida por Inglês de Sousa como a única esperança possível para a modernização do Brasil e caminho para integrar o Império ao nível do século . A reforma, como estratégia de modernização que ele empreendeu, foi produzida de acordo com suas convicções liberais e positivistas, sobre as virtudes da educação como fator de progresso, que não prescindia da necessária laicização do ensino. Desse modo, a Pedagogia Moderna que ele advoga em suas reformas é aquela que se fundamenta no ensino intuitivo e nas lições de coisas que ele vai designar como pedagogia experimental, pois, nesse modelo, a experiência sensível vinha em primeiro lugar, como um ensino concreto, contrário aos métodos que iniciavam a aprendizagem por noções abstratas