"Good governance entails accountability, transparency, enhanced public participation in decision making, strengthened public sector and civil society institutions and greater adherence to the rule of law. Corruption results in grave violations of socio-economic rights, condemns people to extreme levels of poverty and often leads to social unrest. Curbing corruption is therefore critical to the achievement of good governance and the rule of law in many countries such as Kenya. Although most legal systems in Africa prohibit corruption, the practice is significantly different, as is exhibited in this disseration. ... Chapter one introduces and sketches the questions that have prompted this study. Chapter two identifies the legal and institutional framework to curb corruption in Kenya. It also investigates the obligations of the state on anti-corruption in Kenya. The study attempts to outline and discuss the different actions that the government of Kenya has taken to contain corrupt practices in the public service and in society generally. Chapter three is an analysis of the impact of corruption on governance in Kenya. It discusses the extent [to] which corruption has permeated in the public service and its effect on public accountability and transparency. The study also assesses the effectiveness of the different anti-corruption measures set up to combat corruption in Kenya as compared to other African countries. Chapter four evaluates the effectiveness of the use of the rule of law to combat corruption in Kenya. It analyses the anti-corruption legal and institutional framework in comparison with other African countries to determine the factors that have lent effectiveness to anti-corruption efforts, as well as countermeasures that have hindered the ability of such efforts. Chapter five proffers the conclusion and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Atangcho N. Akonumbo at the Faculte de Sciences Sociales et de Gestion, Universite Catholique d'Afrique Centrale, Yaounde, Cameroon / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

History has proven that, if freed from the grasp of the unitary executive, the elected Attorney General flourishes as a lawyer for the law dedicated above all else to the "public interest." In light of these proven benefits, the pressing question becomes whether this tested design can help the people of Africa as they fight to reclaim their wayward governments. Might a popularly elected Attorney General steady the bridge so Africa can pass through to freedom and prosperity? More immediately, does the divided executive with its elected attorney general represent a new hope for Africa in combating corruption? The author takes a critical look at the evolution of the elected Attorney General and uses the role of the Attorney General in the United States of America as an example. The author concludes that perhaps now is the time to start creating the history of Africa’s ultimate escape from the endless vestiges of colonialism still embedded in the unitary executive. Maybe now is the time for the peoples of Africa to borrow an idea from their American cousins and get their own lawyer! / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2008. / A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Tilahun Teshome in association with the Addis Ababa University / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/ / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Georgia is one of the few post-Soviet states that has shown ambitions to become a democratic country and a closer ally to the west. Since their peaceful revolution, the country has had issues with consolidating democracy. The purpose of this thesis is to understand the faltering consolidation factors behind Georgia's democratization. The research questions in this study were the following: Why hasn't Georgia succeeded to consolidate its democracy 2013 and 2018 based on Linz & Stepan's five consolidated arenas? The second research question was, have there been significant changes between the five arenas the years 2013 and 2018? In order to do so, this study has used Linz & Stepan's five consolidating arenas as theory. Their theory says that a country must fulfil each of these arenas to become a consolidated democracy. The arenas are the political society, civil society, rule of law, constitutional state, and economic society. This study is based on a theory-consuming qualitative case study. The results of this study showed that there were numerous factors behind Georgia`s faltering consolidation process. Such as polarised media, weak civic society, polarised political society, corruption, nepotism, and lack of meritocracy. Also, there has not been any significant differences between the years 2013 and 2018 that were studied except for the economic society.

Název disertační práce, abstrakt a 3 klíčová slova v anglickém jazyce Title: Religious Freedom in Democratic Rule of Law State Abstract: The dissertation deals with the topic of religious freedom in a democratic rule of law state, namely from the perspective of constitutional theory and human rights theory as well as it reflects selected current problems of religious freedom protection in the context of Western societies. It thus contributes to the domestic legal discourse which traditionally focuses on religious freedom issues rather marginally. In the area of constitutional theory, it attempts to answer the question of general link between the modern state and religion, and the concept of a democratic rule of law state and religion. It seeks answers through a system theory conceiving both the state and religion as social systems whose fundamental differentiation is between sacred and profane. Their extreme conflict is conceived as a dispute over sovereignty, which is, in the reality of a democratic rule of law state, settled primarily through the institute of religious freedom. Based on this the thesis maps the development of modern constitutionalism and its relation to religion and formulates the basic position of religion in the system of a democratic rule of law. The second part of the thesis focuses...

Gouvernance, état d’exception et construction étatique à Madagascar : ces trois notions sont indissociables d’une approche de la composante juridique du concept d’état d’exception. Cette démarche implique, d’une part, l’examen de la construction tourmentée de l’ordre juridique postcolonial et celui, d’autre part, du processus de constitutionnalisation des pouvoirs de crise. Par ailleurs, il conviendra de se pencher sur les applications de l’état d’exception qui, de 1972 à 2002, ont suscité une nouvelle dynamique de conceptualisation et, mutatis mutandis, la perpétuation d’une tradition juridique de l’exception. Cette approche éclairera les dérives liées à la pratique et à l’expérimentation des pouvoirs de crise. Elle en explorera les propriétés. Elle n’en exclura pas, loin s’en faut, les marqueurs comparables avec d’autres cas d’étude et les interférences incontournables avec le droit international. Dans un deuxième temps, cette contribution s’efforcera d’interroger la composante politique de l’état d’exception. En effet, cette dimension prédominante détermine une meilleure compréhension de l’application du dispositif sur le terrain malgache, tout en permettant d’expliciter la construction et les pratiques politiques de l’état d’exception, là où le droit reste muet, discret, inapplicable, obscur ou équivoque. Notre démonstration s’appuiera ici sur une notion-clef de la pensée schmittienne : le « décisionnisme politique ». Par ailleurs, les théories du philosophe italien Giorgio Agamben, relatives à l’état d’exception comme « paradigme normal de gouvernement » et sur le concept-même de « dispositif », viendront enrichir l’analyse de l’usage et de la maîtrise des pouvoirs de crise. Dans un troisième temps, il conviendra de circonscrire et de questionner la thèse de l’«exceptionnel ordinaire», fréquemment soutenue par de nombreuses théories et de confronter sa pertinence au cas malgache, afin d’en apprécier la validité. Le montage politique d’«état d’exception permanent » et la banalisation des crises occasionnent, à l’aune du contexte malgache, l’émergence de la notion inédite d’« état d’exception débridé », sans toutefois éclipser celle, tout autant inédite, d’« exception particulière », comme tend à le démontrer la crise politique de 2009. Cette analyse ne manquera pas de recourir aux apports de l’anthropologie : en effet, dimensions culturelles, spécificités malgaches et imaginaire collectif contribueront à mieux circonscrire les modes d’acculturation de la société malgache aux concepts « importés ». Enfin, sans clôturer la réflexion, cette contribution s’efforcera de mieux saisir la dialectique de « l’État malgache en déliquescence ». Sera explorée l’émergence de nouveaux paradigmes de gestion de crise plus concertée, plus consensuelle, plus inclusive, plus rationnalisée, plus internationalisée, moins autoritaire, moins contestable, moins « débridée ». Tout aussi éloigné des jugements de valeur hâtifs que des reconstructions à dominante « culturaliste » qui privilégient une forme de fatalisme sur la trajectoire et le sort de la Grande Île, notre contribution visera d’abord à expliciter des réalités socio-politiques complexes, et à considérer les nombreux défis qui subsistent dans le processus encore inachevé de construction de l’État de droit à Madagascar / No study of governance, of the degenerative State of Madagascar, and its state of emergency can be properly undertaken without consideration of the legal component of a state of exception. This task calls for a close examination of the tumultuous construction of post-colonial judiciaries and the constitutionalising of emergency powers in time of crisis. Moreover, it would be appropriate to pay particular attention to the terms of imposition of states of exception which, from 1972 to 2002, provided new impetus to the conception and perpetuity of such apparatus. This approach would bring to light the abuses and excesses related to the exercise and experimentation of emergency powers, and provides hallmarks or milestones that may be observed or corroborated in adjacent studies, thereby introducing essential references for international law. In a second step, this work cannot hide the political component of a state of exception. Actually, this dimension allows for a better understanding of the context in the case of Madagascar, because it highlights the political construction and practice of the mechanism in areas where conventional law has been silent or discrete, obscure or ambiguous, and therefore difficult to enforce. This demonstration draws on the primary notion of the Schmittien doctrine, that of “political decisionism”. It is acknowledged that the theories developed by the Italian philosopher, Giorgio Agamben, about states of exception being the ordinary models for government and how they could serve as “mechanism”, are particularly fertile for the analysis of governance by emergency powers. In a third step, it seems appropriate to analyse the thesis of “the ordinarily exceptional” which is frequently upheld by numerous theories and to see how it may apply to case of Madagascar. The political construction of a permanent state of emergency and the trivialisation of crises lend themselves to the unprecedented notion of an “unrestrained state of emergency” in Madagascar, different from the equally original “particularly exceptional state”, where the political crisis of 2009 could serve as an example. This analytical path takes inevitably into account the cultural and other specificities of Madagascar, and the pros and cons of “imported” ideas and concepts. Finally, this paper is completed, without closing the analysis, with the demonstration of “A State of Madagascar in Decay”. The emergence of new models for crisis management is explored; these are more consensual, inclusive, rational and international. They are less authoritative, less disputable, less unrestrained and less unbridled. The trial against the state of emergency is removed, as are all fatalistic ideologies regarding the future of the Grande Île. Nonetheless, it is important to keep in mind the realities of evidence and the numerous challenges that remain in the yet unaccomplished process of (re)construction of a State of Law in Madagascar

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Pour les sociétés démocratiques, le terrorisme représente une menace exceptionnelle. Exceptionnelle, d’abord, parce qu’un Etat n’est pas face à une menace traditionnelle telle qu’une déclaration de guerre adressée par un autre Etat. Exceptionnelle ensuite parce parfois – souvent dans le cadre du terrorisme basque –, elle implique ses propres citoyens. Exceptionnelle, enfin, parce que pour aussi extraordinaire que soit cette menace, les éléments précédents imposent à la Démocratie de se protéger avec les armes mises en place dans des circonstances ordinaires, par des procédures ordinaires, contre des menaces ordinaires. Il s’agit ici de la contradiction fondamentale qui apparaît à l’étude des appareils mis en place par des Etats démocratiques afin de se protéger contre le terrorisme.Dans cette perspective, l’étude du cas basque présente des singularités appelant à s’interroger sur les effets du terrorisme sur la construction de la démocratie. La lutte contre le terrorisme basque est en effet née dans le cadre d’un Etat dictatorial qui n’a pas hésité à user de tous les moyens contre cet ennemi. Elle s’est poursuivie alors que l’Etat Espagnol opérait une transition vers la Démocratie, et a perduré au-delà, alors que nombre d’indicateurs tendent à valider le caractère démocratique de son nouveau régime. La question qui se pose alors est de savoir dans quelle mesure la permanence d’une lutte contre un ennemi sur lequel les changements de régime n’ont eu que peu de prise a influencé la perception de cet opposant et les moyens internes et de coopération interétatique mis en œuvre pour lui faire face. / For democratic societies, terrorism represents an exceptional threat. Exceptional, firstly, because the State does not face a traditional threat such as a war declaration sent by another State. Exceptional, secondly, because sometimes – often regarding Basque terrorism – it involves its own citizens. Exceptional, eventually, because although it is an extraordinary threat, the previous elements call Democracy to protect itself with the weapons set up under ordinary circumstances, through ordinary processes, against ordinary threats. It is a genuine contradiction in the study of the apparatus set up by Democracy in order to get protected from terrorism.In this perspective, the study of the Basque case presents specificities that lead to question terrorism’s effects on the construction of Democracy. The fight against Basque terrorism was born in the framework of a dictatorial regime, which did not hesitate to use any means against this enemy. It continued, while the Spanish State was operating a transition towards democracy, and kept on going while many indicators appeared to confirm the democratic nature of the new regime. A question arises: to which extent the permanency of a fight against an enemy insensitive to the regime changes influenced the perception of this opponent, but also the internal means and those developed through international cooperation to face it.

The temptation of illiberal democracy in the postcommunist Europe Abstract This thesis deals with the concept of illiberal democracy. In the first half it sums up the debate from which the concept arose. It describes the difference between liberalism and democracy and it also explains how these two concepts are interconnected. It describes the concept of defective democracies as conceived by Wolfgang Merkel. I also outline the constitutional aspects of the debate about illiberal democracy. In the second half the text applies Merkel's theoretical framework to analyse the cases of Poland and Hungary. The period of time, that was chosen, starts with the moment when parties Law and Justice and Fidesz gained majorities large enough for profound institutional changes. The period ends with activation of article 7 of the Treaty on European union. The text follows the structure of the Merkel's criteria. It analyses, how the voting rights and free access to power were preserved in both countries, if the political decisions are taken by elected representants, if there is a mutual control between the institutions and to what degree can the state power intervene into the private sphere of the citizens. I conclude that both Poland and Hungary could not be called liberal democracies in the period under review. The Polish...

The principle of non-regression is an novel concept in the EU rule of law area. The Court of Justice of the European Union ("Court" or "CJEU") has recently discussed it e.g., in Repubblika (Maltese Judges), Commission versus Poland (Disciplinary régime applicable to judges), Advocate General  Tanchev in his Opinion in A.K. v. KRS (Independence of the disciplinary chamber of the Supreme Court). This paper examines the non-regression principle with a focus on the rule of law and judicial independence in the EU not least because it is understudied. Its potential is underestimated for expanding the reasoning of the CJEU, and the Commission as regards their approach to addressing the sustained attacks on judicial independence in the two Central and Eastern European countris of Poland and Hungary, but also increasingly, judging from the rising number of judicial independence and rule of law cases, in Romania. Maltese Judges is the first ruling of the Court in which the principle of non-regression appeared. In this landmark judgement, acording to Leloup, Kochenov, and Dimitrovs, the Court asserted "an entirely new "non-regression" principle in EU law based on the connection between Arts. 49 and 2 TEU, (...) and addressed a well-known lacuna undermining the EU legal order". In light of that ruling, it is useful to set subsequent research questions: What is the substance and scope of the principle of non-regression in the rule of law and in relation to judicial independence in the EU, and what are the recent trends in the Court´s case law whereby this principle has been invoked to address the rule of law backsliding in the Member States? Can we discern the benchmarks, in the form of substantive standards and in terms of time, against which regression is measured? Considering that, until now, the principle of non-regression has been employed principally with regard to judicial independence, could we apply the concept with respect to other EU values such as democracy, or fundamental rights?