Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:23:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Eduardo Rodrigues Evangelista.pdf: 424526 bytes, checksum: 1af98a662cb1adebea1a0bdd82a40eda (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-03-19 / The present paper aims, primarily, at investigating the repercussion on the incidence of the principle of legality of neo-constitutionalism as a legal system established in order to support the Democratic Rule of Law. Thus, in the first chapter, there is an attempt to demonstrate the basics of the formation of the State, with emphasis on its instrumental character, its purpose towards the achievement of the common good and its legal foundation in constitutionalism. In the second chapter, the characterization of the legality in the face of the liberal state and the welfare state was undertaken. In the third chapter, the authors demonstrated the evolution of the Democratic Rule of Law as a political system, which counted on the legal basis of neoconstitutionalism, highlighting the impact thereof for the new design and implementation of the legality / O presente trabalho se propõe, precipuamente, a investigar a repercussão sobre a incidência do princípio da legalidade do neoconstitucionalismo, enquanto sistema jurídico instituído para embasar o Estado Democrático de Direito. Desta maneira, no primeiro capítulo, procurou-se demonstrar as noções básicas da formação do Estado, ressaltando o seu caráter instrumental, sua finalidade voltada para a consecução do bem comum e sua fundamentação jurídica no constitucionalismo. No segundo capítulo, empreendeu-se à caracterização da legalidade em face do Estado Liberal e do Estado Social. No terceiro capítulo, demonstrou-se a evolução para o Estado Democrático de Direito, como sistema político, e que contou com a fundamentação jurídica do neoconstitucionalismo, acentuando os impactos deste para a nova concepção e aplicação da legalidade

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de explorar e investigar o papel desempenhado pelo gênero e pela sexualidade (mais especificamente a orientação sexual e sua aptidão para gerar arranjos íntimos, conjugais e familiares), na formulação de demandas a serem enfrentadas pelo sistema jurídico por meio de novas configurações ou de interpretações dos direitos humanos e fundamentais, possibilitando uma penetração do espaço público por elementos próprios da esfera da intimidade. Isto ocorre por meio de interferências recíprocas balizadas pela gramática constitucional dos direitos humanos e fundamentais, pelas quais se redimensiona a sua formulação e aplicação pelos atores sociais, ao mesmo tempo em que estes invocam sua linguagem inclusiva e igualitária na busca de reconhecimento, inclusão e participação, objetivos que realizam a ideia de reciprocidade contida no Estado de Direito formal, a igualdade de gênero e de orientação sexual torna-se mais do que um ideal regulatório, indo além para tornar-se uma concepção de justiça ela própria, informada também por uma dimensão substantiva de Estado de Direito relacionada ao paradigma democrático, ainda que os direitos que realizam tal ideal de justiça devam ser concretizados judicialmente em diferentes graus, a partir das funções dos direitos e com vistas a compatibilizar universalidade e singularidade e permitindo os canais de comunicação para a veiculação das pretensões da minoria à luz do diálogo com a maioria. / This work aims to explore and investigate the role of gender and sexuality (more specifically sexual orientation and its ability to generate intimate arrangements, marital and family), in the formulation of demands to be addressed by the legal system through new settings or interpretations of civil and human rights, allowing penetration of public spaces by elements of the sphere of intimacy. This occurs through reciprocal interference buoyed by the legal grammar of constitutional and human rights, in which resizes its formulation and implementation by social actors, while they call their inclusive and egalitarian language in search of recognition, inclusion and participation, which aims to realize the idea of reciprocity contained in the formal rule of law. Therefore, gender equality and sexual orientation become more than a regulatory ideal, they go beyond to become a conception of justice itself, informed also by a substantive dimension of rule of law related to the democratic paradigm, although the rights to perform this ideal of justice should be implemented legally in varying degrees, from the functions and duties in order to reconcile universality and uniqueness and allowing communication channels to the placement of the claims of the minority in the light of dialogue with the majority.

O controle judicial de constitucionalidade moderno nasceu nos Estados Unidos, a partir da decisão do caso Marbury v. Madison, em 1803. Desde então pode-se dizer que as atenções do meio acadêmico jurídico, especialmente no campo do direito contitucional, foram progressivamente voltando-se a essa prática, com vistas a melhor compreendê-la. A partir da segunda metade do século XX, o controle de constitucionalidade foi amplamente difundido e hoje está presente na grande maioria dos países democráticos. Mais recentemente, os debates sobre o tema convergiram para os excessos cometidos pelos órgãos incumbidos, em cada Estado, da tarefa de revisar a constitucionalidade da legislação. Foram colocados no centro das discussões não apenas o modo por meio do qual os órgãos de controle atuam, especialmente o Poder Judiciário, mas também a própria legitimidade do exercício dessa função, tendo em vista as tensões existentes entre o controle de constitucionalidade das leis por órgãos não representativos e os princípios democrático e do Estado de Direito. Dessa forma, a tese inicia-se buscando compreender as origens do judicial review na tradição do common law inglês; em seguida, procura desvendar como a tradição do direito inglês foi incorporada aos Estados Unidos e compatibilizada à sua constituição escrita; passa, então, a descrever as dificuldades que os autores modernos encontraram para justificar o exercício do controle judicial de constitucionalidade, tendo em vista a dificuldade contramajoritária que enfrenta; expõe, assim, algumas críticas ao que se convencionou chamar de supremacia judicial, tese que afirma competir ao Poder Judiciário proferir a última palavra sobre o significado da Constituição; e, por fim, reinserindo o debate no plano do constitucionalismo político, a tese explicita a noção de diálogo institucional e tenta imaginar os papéis institucionais que Cortes e Parlamentos exercem ou devem exercer nesse debate, com foco especialmente no Brasil e na relação entre o Supremo Tribunal Federal e o Congresso Nacional relativamente à interpretação da Constituição. / This thesis focuses on the problems of the contemporary constitutional review in Brazil. It is widely recognised that constitutional review was established in 1803 with the landmark case Marbury v Madison. By the second half of the 20th century some form of constitutional review had been adopted by most western democracies. More recently the excesses of such a form of control of the legislative function have shifted the experts attention to the phenomenon of judicial supremacy. Because it is most frequently performed by unelected officials, the procedures of judicial review have been put under scrutiny and its very legitimacy has been questioned. This tension between the majoritarian principle and the judicial function of constitutional review became known as the counter-majoritarian difficulty. Although our main focus is on the Brazilian constitutional review, we start by going back to the beginnings of the judicial review within the common law tradition in order to understand the primitive structure of this function. Then we move on to its transplantation into American legal practice, which uses a written constitution as a basis for the judicial review. Next, we examine some of the contemporary uses of constitutional review, as depicted by its critics. Finally, we analyse the relations between the Supreme Court and the National Congress of Brazil in performing judicial review. We argue that in order to overcome the counter-majoritarian difficulty, we must accept this constitutional function as a political one, which means moving beyond its judicial features and including other institutions, such as the Congress, in the process of judging whether or not statutes should be invalidated when they breach the constitution. We call this widening of the range of institutions capable of participating in the constitutional review institutional dialogue.

Com base no que Platão estabelece para a formação do guardião da cidade, neste trabalho, foi analisado o desenvolvimento da educação em direitos humanos, no Curso de Formação de Oficiais da Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo, seus reflexos na atividade policial e seus efeitos na sociedade. Tendo como referência documentos legais e exemplos práticos, foi proposta uma nova forma de educação em direitos humanos, através da criação, por lei, de uma comissão de monitoramento composta por membros da sociedade civil, cuja finalidade é assegurar a transparência e o efetivo controle social em tão importante tema, visando a supremacia da dignidade humana e do Estado de Direito / Taking into consideration what Plato establishes for the formation of the guardian of the city, this essay analyzed the development of education in human rights, in the Graduation Course for Officers of São Paulo State Military Police, its repercussions on police activity and its effects in society. Considering as reference legal documents and practical examples, it was proposed a new model of education in human rights, through the creation by law of a monitoring committee formed by members of the civil society, whose purpose is to ensure transparency and an effective social control in such an important issue aiming the supremacy of human dignity and the Rule-of-Law.

O controle judicial de constitucionalidade moderno nasceu nos Estados Unidos, a partir da decisão do caso Marbury v. Madison, em 1803. Desde então pode-se dizer que as atenções do meio acadêmico jurídico, especialmente no campo do direito contitucional, foram progressivamente voltando-se a essa prática, com vistas a melhor compreendê-la. A partir da segunda metade do século XX, o controle de constitucionalidade foi amplamente difundido e hoje está presente na grande maioria dos países democráticos. Mais recentemente, os debates sobre o tema convergiram para os excessos cometidos pelos órgãos incumbidos, em cada Estado, da tarefa de revisar a constitucionalidade da legislação. Foram colocados no centro das discussões não apenas o modo por meio do qual os órgãos de controle atuam, especialmente o Poder Judiciário, mas também a própria legitimidade do exercício dessa função, tendo em vista as tensões existentes entre o controle de constitucionalidade das leis por órgãos não representativos e os princípios democrático e do Estado de Direito. Dessa forma, a tese inicia-se buscando compreender as origens do judicial review na tradição do common law inglês; em seguida, procura desvendar como a tradição do direito inglês foi incorporada aos Estados Unidos e compatibilizada à sua constituição escrita; passa, então, a descrever as dificuldades que os autores modernos encontraram para justificar o exercício do controle judicial de constitucionalidade, tendo em vista a dificuldade contramajoritária que enfrenta; expõe, assim, algumas críticas ao que se convencionou chamar de supremacia judicial, tese que afirma competir ao Poder Judiciário proferir a última palavra sobre o significado da Constituição; e, por fim, reinserindo o debate no plano do constitucionalismo político, a tese explicita a noção de diálogo institucional e tenta imaginar os papéis institucionais que Cortes e Parlamentos exercem ou devem exercer nesse debate, com foco especialmente no Brasil e na relação entre o Supremo Tribunal Federal e o Congresso Nacional relativamente à interpretação da Constituição. / This thesis focuses on the problems of the contemporary constitutional review in Brazil. It is widely recognised that constitutional review was established in 1803 with the landmark case Marbury v Madison. By the second half of the 20th century some form of constitutional review had been adopted by most western democracies. More recently the excesses of such a form of control of the legislative function have shifted the experts attention to the phenomenon of judicial supremacy. Because it is most frequently performed by unelected officials, the procedures of judicial review have been put under scrutiny and its very legitimacy has been questioned. This tension between the majoritarian principle and the judicial function of constitutional review became known as the counter-majoritarian difficulty. Although our main focus is on the Brazilian constitutional review, we start by going back to the beginnings of the judicial review within the common law tradition in order to understand the primitive structure of this function. Then we move on to its transplantation into American legal practice, which uses a written constitution as a basis for the judicial review. Next, we examine some of the contemporary uses of constitutional review, as depicted by its critics. Finally, we analyse the relations between the Supreme Court and the National Congress of Brazil in performing judicial review. We argue that in order to overcome the counter-majoritarian difficulty, we must accept this constitutional function as a political one, which means moving beyond its judicial features and including other institutions, such as the Congress, in the process of judging whether or not statutes should be invalidated when they breach the constitution. We call this widening of the range of institutions capable of participating in the constitutional review institutional dialogue.

L'étude de la réception du droit international des droits de l'homme au Sénégal renvoie à l'examen des procédures constitutionnelles d'insertion des normes conventionnelles dans le droit sénégalais. C'est une organisation marquée par un dualisme entre les principes de droit international qui servent ici de sources d'inspiration conceptuelle, et le droit interne qui définit de manière souveraine les conditions d'introduction et de validité de ce droit dans l'ordre juridique national. Cette étape qui est applicable à toute norme conventionnelle ayant vocation à s'appliquer dans le droit interne sénégalais, est assez neutre puisqu'elle tient peu compte de la particularité de l'objet même de ce droit, à savoir les droits de l'homme. Cette particularité est néanmoins présente concernant les autres étapes de la réception du droit international des droits de l'homme comme son aménagement interne. La réception du droit international des droits de l'homme dépasse ainsi le cadre purement formel des procédés d'insertion d'une norme conventionnelle, pour exiger une concrétisation de son contenu dans le droit interne. Dans ce cadre, le droit international des droits de l'homme s'intègre au régime des libertés publiques reconnues par le droit national. Toutefois, la conception plus philosophique que juridique des droits de l'homme ne permet pas leur vraie protection sous ce régime. L'effectivité du droit international des droits de l'homme repose donc plus sur les garanties institutionnelles de l'État de droit sénégalais que sur un régime spécifique du droit positif. La démocratie comme philosophie politique et le droit au recours juridictionnel en sont les mécanismes généraux. En revanche, les réalités culturelles et sociales du pays altèrent leur portée, et confèrent une vraie pertinence à une démarche promotionnelle de ce droit, confiée à des acteurs publics et privés. Cette approche tout en ne dénaturant pas le caractère éminemment juridique de la procédure de réception, montre que la garantie des droits de l'homme transcende les clivages entre espace public et espace privé. / The study of international human rights law in Senegal refers to the examination of constitutional procedures of introduction of conventional norms in Senegalese law. It is an organisation marked by a dualism between the principles of international law, serving as a source of conceptual inspiration and internal law which independently defines the conditions of introduction and validity of this law in the national juridical system. This stage applies to all conventional norms in domestic Senegalese law. It is quite neutral, as it doesn't fully take into account the specificity of the purpose of the law, namely human rights. However, this particularity is still present in other stages of perception of international human rights law, as its internal organisation. In this context, international human rights law is integrated in the system of Civil Liberties recognized by national law. Nevertheless, are more philosophical than legal conception of human rights do not allow them real protection under the regime. The effectiveness of the international human rights law is therefore more based on institutional state guarantees under Senegalese law than on a specific regime of positive law. The democracy as political philosophy and the right to judicial review are main elements of the law. However, the cultural and social realities of the country alter their scope and give a real relevance to a promotion of this law entrusted to public and private parties. This approach, while not distorting the eminently legal character of the approval procedure, shows that the guarantee of human rights transcends the divide between public and private spaces.

En Chine, avec l’établissement progressif du système d’économie de marché socialiste, les formes et la quantité de propriété privée des citoyens ont connu une évolution constante. L’amendement constitutionnel de 2004 a officiellement consacré la protection du droit de propriété privée dans la constitution. Un système juridique initial de protection du droit de propriété privée, qui a objectivement favorisé l’essor de l’économie chinoise, a été établi. Cependant, nous devons être conscients que la situation actuelle de la protection du droit de propriété privée n’est pas optimiste en Chine. Le point essentiel du problème réside non seulement dans les divers défauts de système juridique de la propriété privée, mais également dans le fait que les normes constitutionnelles sur la garantie du droit de propriété des citoyens n’ont pas été efficacement mises en œuvre. Le 19ème Congrès national du Parti communiste chinois de 2017 a proclamé officiellement l’objectif de faire progresser le système de contrôle de constitutionnalité, et ensuite, l’amendement constitutionnel de 2018 a établi une nouvelle commission spéciale destinée à effectuer un examen constitutionnel. Ces deux événements signifient-ils que la Chine s’est bien préparée pour la construction d’un État de droit, qui a pour effet d’améliorer le système actuel de protection constitutionnelle du droit de propriété des citoyens ? Partant de cette question, la présente thèse choisit donc une perspective de mise en œuvre de la constitution et utilise l’expérience du droit français comme référence, afin d’étudier le système de la protection du droit de propriété privée en Chine / In China, with the gradual establishment of the socialist market economy, the form and quantity of ownership of citizens have evolved constantly. The constitutional amendment of 2004 has formally consecrated the property rights in the constitution. An initial legal system of protection of property right, which has objectively favored the development of the Chinese economy, has been established. However, we must be aware that the current situation of the protection of property rights is not optimistic in China. The essential point of the problem lies not only in the various deficiencies of the legal system of property, but also in the fact that the constitutional laws on the guarantee of the property right of the citizens have not been effectively implemented. The 19th National congress of the Chinese communist party has formally proclaimed the purpose of advancing the constitutional examination system, and then the constitutional amendment of 2018 established a new special commission to carry out it. Do these two events mean that China has prepared well for the construction of the rule of law, which has the effect of improving the current system of constitutional protection of the property rights of citizens? Starting from this question, the present thesis thus chooses a perspective of the implementation of the constitution and uses the experience of the French law as reference, in order to study the system of the protection of the property right in China

臺灣位於東亞，不論由其人口結構及歷史背景，臺灣的法律制度即以傳統中國法律制度為主體，並內化於臺灣人民生活之中。然自十九世紀末以來，臺灣之法律制度由殖民之日本政府及後來之中華民國政府強勢引進近代西方之法律制度，臺灣的法律制度亦逐漸由傳統中國法律制度改以近代西方法律制度所取代 。然傳統東亞的法律觀向來將法律視為統治之工具，而人民亦將法律視為遵守之準則，至於法律本身之意涵或精神似乎即無人關心，臺灣雖引進近代西方法律制度，然即有上該之問題。另外近代西方法律制度與本土的傳統中國法律制度有極大之差距，導致形式之法律與內化之法文化有極大之落差，則如何將形式之法律落實於生活及內化於臺灣人民心中，在臺灣即為不容忽視之一重要問題。又臺灣自西元1987年解除戒嚴以來，不論於政治、社會或教育之環境，均產生劇烈之變化，簡而言之即政府對人民之箝制愈來愈寬鬆，政治朝向民主化。但民主社會下，臺灣社會卻讓人有紊亂、淺層民主之疑惑，許多人即發現問題似乎在於所謂民主基石之法治在臺灣尚未落實，而法治社會建立之急切性亦足顯示法治教育之重要性。 然臺灣之官方法治教育於解嚴後，似乎並沒有真正跟上其民主之進程，理論與實際操作之落差，亦衍生臺灣法治教育之現場問題叢生，官方或將法治教育簡略為所謂之犯罪預防教育或法條背誦教育。民間團體之領導人，此包括法律界、家長甚至第一線教學現場之教師，亦逐漸發現此中重要之問題，而積極向美日等國取經，希冀從外國之經驗，改變臺灣法治教育之現狀。本研究試圖從臺灣法制文化背景、解嚴後臺灣大環境之變化分析中，以釐清法治教育對臺灣之重要性；並從解嚴後臺灣法治教育不論由官方或民間之變革中，透過文獻探討、比較分析及深度訪談之方式，提出有關臺灣法治教育現況問題之所在、應變革之方向及建議，以期對臺灣法治教育的未來有些許之助益，並衷心期待二十一世紀之臺灣擁有健全的公民社會，並成為一個真正民主法治的國家。

<p>The purpose of this essay was to examine municipal guidelines regarding the administration of the social assistance, collected from 18 municipalities in the Stockholm-area to achieve a greater understanding on how they were constructed in respect to the legislation and how the language mediated their contents. The legal aspects of the social assistance was studied through a jurisprudential method in which the legislative history, texts of laws and case laws were examined. The empirical aspect of this essay was studied through a hermeneutical method and analyzed through theories of social constructionism and legal pluralism. The results from the jurisprudential study were also used to understand how the municipal guidelines were constructed in relation to the law. The results of this essay corresponded well with previous studies in this field where considerable divergences in the approval of social assistance have been established. The guidelines allow a local adjustment of the social work stated in the Social service act, on the basis of local priorities and conditions. Our findings showed that the guidelines related to the law in varying degrees, to some extent depending on the stringency of the language used in them. We found expressions that were sometimes vague, normative and restrictive regarding the approval of social assistance. The results were discussed in respect to rule of law and the legal content of the guidelines.</p>

<p>This essay deals with the social services cooperation with the private sector relating to foster care. The aim was to examine whether and what the causes may be that the social service transfer tasks of authority to private actors. Furthermore, we have examined and discussed if such a working procedure can lead to consequences for the individual child and how / if the children's legal security is affected. Survey methodology is qualitative in nature where we conducted semi-structured interviews with three persons who work in different ways to be involved in work with a foster family. We have also made use of questionnaires sent to social workers around the country.</p><p>The result has been interpreted on the basis inter alia, legal texts, legislative history, and two theories which have their origin in organization theory. Our results show that some municipalities do not feel that they have the resources to investigate the family. Furthermore, it appears that the cooperation of the social services have with the private sectors has declined, perhaps because of clearer legislation of 2008, or because of the sharp criticism that they received from the provincial government. Our study also shows that some municipalities still leaves management tasks to the private sector, without legal basis. Since there is no control over who is inquiring the family a result of this can be that a child is growing up in unsuitable environments, which in itself can affect the rule of law.</p>