nÃo hà / A presente tese intitula-se O ImaginÃrio Protestante e o Estado de Direito. O imaginÃrio, em seu sentido estÃtico, à concebido como representaÃÃo do mundo, da cultura ou da fÃ. No sentido dinÃmico, à a faculdade de reestruturar imagens, o projeto do que virà a ser. O imaginÃrio social à uma projeÃÃo de valores coletivos de uma sociedade ou de um grupo social. NÃs destacamos o imaginÃrio de grupos religiosos protestantes, bem como as articulaÃÃes entre imaginÃrio social e imaginÃrio individual, imaginÃrio e aÃÃo social. O protestantismo que nos interessa à principalmente o calvinismo independente do sÃculo XVII na Inglaterra, embora nÃo negligenciemos suas associaÃÃes precedentes com o luteranismo e o calvinismo genebrino. O Estado de Direito à o Estado com limites constitucionais determinado pela separaÃÃo e controle recÃproco dos poderes, bem como pelo reconhecimento da autonomia humana pelos direitos individuais. O objetivo da pesquisa à mostrar como as doutrinas protestantes se transpuseram analogicamente para o campo polÃtico-jurÃdico de modo a estabelecer os fundamentos do Estado de Direito, bem como identificar a contribuiÃÃo da militÃncia polÃtica, ideolÃgica e armada dos puritanos para o estabelecimento pioneiro do Estado de Direito na Inglaterra. A pesquisa segue o paradigma weberiano, o qual admite as crenÃas como motivo para as aÃÃes, bem como concebe a existÃncia de uma forÃa de transformaÃÃo exercida pelas idÃias. Algumas pesquisas e conclusÃes de Durkheim acerca da divisÃo do trabalho social e de Peter L. Berger acerca da secularizaÃÃo sÃo tambÃm recepcionadas. à privilegiado um modelo de desenvolvimento de longa duraÃÃo nos termos de Norbert Elias. O recorte temporal de maior destaque à o sÃculo XVII. Como material de pesquisa, nÃs utilizamos informaÃÃes historiogrÃficas e documentos produzidos no cenÃrio histÃrico destacado

Little is known about the effects of transitional justice on the development of the rule of law in post-conflict states. There are assumptions in the literature that the prosecution of those responsible for human rights violations or convening a truth commission will help improve the rule of law. Using a mixed-method approach, which combined statistical analysis with in-country fieldwork, this investigation found that the impact of transitional justice, particularly trials, on the development of the rule of law is minimal and not automatic. In each of the four states examined, Colombia, Peru, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, meaningful effects from transitional justice were blocked by powerful post-conflict inhibiters, including a lack of state capacity, ethnicity and corruption. These findings indicate that prior assumptions about the relationship between transitional justice and the rule of law are overstated, and they point to the need for policymakers to simultaneously address these and other inhibiters while implementing transitional mechanisms.

La Justice est une aspiration aussi ancestrale qu’universelle, mais les sociétés humaines ne sont pas encore parvenues à établir un consensus en ce qui concerne son organisation et son mode de fonctionnement. Cette dernière est fortement liée à l’histoire de chaque peuple. Néanmoins, les principes généraux gouvernant la justice, semblent devenir un héritage humain, notamment en ce qui concerne, l’indépendance et l’impartialité de la justice, le droit d’accès à la justice, l’égalité devant la justice … De ce paradoxe, entre l’universalité et la relativité de la justice, se nourrit notre recherche intitulée « L’évolution de la justice en Algérie » / Judiciary is as ancient and universal aspiration, but human societies have not yet reached a consensus regarding its organization and mode of operation. The judiciary is strongly linked to the history of each people. Nevertheless, the general principles governing judiciary, seems to become a human heritage, particularly regarding the independence and impartiality of courts, the right to access to justice, equality before the law ... From this paradox between universality and relativity of judiciary, feeds our research entitled " the evolution of justice in Algeria

(English) Often evoked by investors before arbitral tribunals and at the same time causing controversy and uncertainty with regard to its contents. Fair and equitable treatment standard of protection (FET) suffers from its vague formulation in bilateral investment treaties but simultaneously this characteristic enables it to fulfil the function of filling gaps left by other standards of protection. This results in a fact that uniform understanding of the standard seems impossible to achieve. Inherent dispute on whether FET amounts only to minimum standard of treatment under customary international law or is rather an autonomous standard is also embodied in various wordings of FET clauses present in the treaties. Unless specific link to minimum standard is made, almost all methods of legal interpretation prove that FET is an autonomous concept. Enumeration of sub-elements of FET in clauses will also not achieve certainty mainly because of disputes on contents of some of these sub-elements. Effort to shed more light on the contents of the standard is achieved by evaluation of values of rule of law as well as requirements of morality and legality (necessary for functioning of every legal system) presented by legal philosopher Lon Fuller. A set of universally accepted principles is extracted from these...

Magister Legum - LLM / This research paper will focus on these controversial issues and their significance for the International Criminal Court (ICC) in dealing with the situation in Darfur/Sudan. Furthermore, another related issue that was addressed by the Commission will be analysed, namely which exact degree of mens rea is required for the special intent to destroy one of the protected groups. / South Africa

L’expression « État membre » sert à désigner tout État qui adhère à une entité collective inter-étatique. Jusqu'alors, aucune recherche n'avait exploré le potentiel théorique de ce syntagme en dehors d'une organisation internationale déterminée. L'objet de cette étude tend, à travers l'analyse de différentes expressions de la figure de l'État membre, notamment européenne, à en donner une lecture unifiée. De prime abord, il apparaît que le phénomène de l'appartenance frappe la majorité des États et provoque dès lors unepremière mutation du génome étatique. En effet, la naissance d'un État s'avère à notre époque largement conditionnée par sa reconnaissance. De même, le commerce entre États est de plus en plus dense du fait de la globalisation des échanges. Dans ce cadre concurrentiel, l'organisation conjointe et institutionnalisée des États est devenue un réflexe. Certains États membres ont atteint un degré d'intégration qui induit une perception totalement renouvelée de l'État. En effet, l'État membre est devenu une entité liée et se renforce en tant qu'État par sa participation à un projet qui le dépasse pour le plus grand profit des individus, de leurs droitssubjectifs et de la paix. Figure de l'équilibre, l'État membre est un objet politique qui se trouve à équidistance de l'État fédéré et de l'État classique. Il emprunte au premier sa discipline collective et au second la force de l'engagement volontaire ainsi que la possibilité de se retirer d'une aventure collective qui dévierait de la confiance accordée initialement au collectif. Sur le plan normatif, l'État membre se caractérise par une objectivation de l'ordre juridique qu'il forme. C’est que l'appartenance se traduit juridiquement par une série deprincipes porteurs de valeurs propres à la participation loyale à une expérience de communauté. Dès lors, si le passage de l'État à l'État membre a un impact en premier lieu sur la théorie de l'État, il invite principalement celle-ci à prendre quelque distance avec le positivisme juridique et à renouveler la manière de penser l'État de droit. Né à la sortie de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce phénomène grandissant se décline en 2015 en plusieurs degrés allant du simple membre de l'Organisation des Nations-Unies à l'État membre de collectifs régionaux particulièrement avancés tels que l'Union européenne. Mais la logique d'appartenance révélée dans ce travaillaisse entrevoir une irrésistible évolution dans l'approfondissement de l'intégration de l'État membre. Aussi, parmi les étapes cruciales vers un État renouvelé par son appartenance à un collectif, il convient de citer l'importance de la présence d'un juge supra-étatique. La figure du juge s’affirme en effet comme essentielle dans le saut qualitatif effectué par l’État entre sa qualité initiale d'État-nation souverain à celle plus affûtée d’État membre puisqu’elle permet de passer du registre de la puissance à celui du droit, à condition que le juge puisse être saisi par le citoyen. Car c'est précisément cet étau constitué par le collectif institutionnalisé d'une part et les citoyens d'autre part qui, en exerçant sur l’État membre une pression vertueuse le conduisant au respect de sonengagement, de ses partenaires et de ses ressortissants, fonde la possibilité d'un véritable État de droit. / The expression "member State" is used to designate a State that has become a member of an international collective entity. Until now, no research had explored the theoretical potential of this syntagma apart from considering a particular international organization. The purpose of this study is to give a unified Interpretation of the legal concept of member State, through the analysis of different expressions of this concept, particularly the European one. First, it appears that the phenomenon of membership appliesto a majority of States and causes therefore a first mutation of the State’s genome. Indeed, the birth of a State appears nowadays largely conditioned by its recognition. Also, exchanges between States are increasing in relation to the globalization. In this competitive context, the collective and institutionalized organization of States has become a reflex. Some member States have achieved such a degree of integration that it deeply renews the perception of the concept of State. Indeed, the member State becamean interrelated entity and is strengthened as a State by the participation to a project that goes beyond itself and which creates a higher benefit for people, for their subjective rights and peace. Being characterized by the idea of balance, the concept of member State is a political object which is equidistant from the federated State and the classical State. It borrows its collective discipline from the first, and the strength of the voluntary commitment from the second, as well as the capacity to withdraw from a collective adventure that would deviate the trust initially granted to the collective. From a normative point of view, the member State is characterized by the objectification of that legal form that it constitutes. Actually, the legal traduction of the membership consists in a set of principles that underpin the characteristic values of loyal participation and community based experience. Therefore, if the transformation of a State into a member State has a primary impact on the theory of the State, it most importantly suggests to distance this theory from the legal positivism and to renew the ways of thinking the rule of law. Initiated first at the end of the Second World War, this increasing phenomenon offers in 2015 a range of various expressions, including the membership of the United Nations and more complex expressions of the membership to regional groups of States such as the European Union. But the logic of membership revealed by this study points to an irresistible trend consisting in the deepening of the integration of the member State. Thus, among the crucial steps leading to a State renewed by its membership to a group, it is worth mentioning the importance of the presence of a supranational court. The judge turns out to be an essential component in the qualitative transformation of a nation State, initially sovereign, into a member State. Indeed, thistransformation, which enables to shift between the register of power to the register of right, is only possible if the citizen can refer to the judge. The vice, constituted by the institutionalized collective on the one hand and the citizens on the other hand, applies a virtuous pressure on the member State that drives it towards the respect of its commitment, of its partners and citizens. By doing so, this virtuous pressure founds the possibility of a genuine rule of law.

Un sentiment que l’humanité toute entière éprouve demeure le leitmotiv « assurer l’ordre et la sécurité ». C’est pourquoi la place qu’occupe l’insécurité dans le débat public en République Centrafricaine, Etat situé au Centre de l’Afrique à peu près la même superficie que la France, rend souhaitable cette thèse. La sécurité signifie que l’on n’est pas sous le poids de la peur ou de la terreur. Pour que l’ordre et la sécurité soient vraiment assurés en République centrafricaine, il ne suffit pas que le sang ne coule pas et que soit protégée l’intégrité physique du citoyen. Il faut aussi que les droits de tous soient respectés et qu’ils en aient la jouissance tranquille comme celle de tous leurs biens. L’exigence fondamentale demeure la sécurité juridique qui est étroitement liée à l’Etat de droit entendu comme, son nom l’indique, un Etat soumis au droit. Cette proximité s’explique bien évidemment par le lien très fort qui existe entre les notions de sécurité et de droit. Ce lien est mis en exergue par le juge : si la sécurité demeure l’un des buts qui est assigné au droit, le droit, qui connaît un principe de prééminence, est un moyen efficace pour garantir la sécurité. Au jour d’aujourd’hui, une évidence est communément admise entre Etat de droit et démocratie. Si la démocratie participe au renforcement de l’Etat de droit plus précisément par le principe selon lequel tous les citoyens doivent pouvoir concourir directement ou par l’intermédiaire de leurs représentants au vote des lois, l’Etat de droit, s’il veut être effectif, doit instaurer un système de protection juridictionnelle afin que les lois votées ne reposent pas sur la contrainte. / “Ensuring order and security” is a deep-seated desire shared by the whole of humanity. It is therefore reasonable to devote this thesis to the place occupied by insecurity in public debate in the Central African Republic, a state covering roughly the same surface area as France. Security implies that the weight of fear or terror is removed. If order and security are to be genuinely ensured in the Central African Republic, more is required than the absence of bloodshed and the protection of each citizen’s physical integrity. It is also essential that the rights of all be respected and that all citizens should be entitled to the protection of their rights as well as their possessions. Legal security is therefore a fundamental requirement, closely related to the rule of law, that is to say a state subject to the rule of law. This association is of course due to the strong bond existing between the notions of security and law, a bond which is highlighted by a judge: if security remains one of the goals assigned to law, through its pre-eminence the law is an effective means to guarantee security. Conventional wisdom today equates the rule of law with democracy. If democracy lies behind the reinforcement of the rule of law, and in particular through the principle that all citizens should be entitled to contribute directly or by means of their representatives to the voting of laws, for it to be effective, the rule of law must establish a legal protection system allowing laws to be passed free of all constraint.

The following thesis analyzes why is the democratic rule of law stronger in Uruguay than in Mexico? This work focuses on the state of the democratic rule of law in Mexico and Uruguay. The premise of this thesis is that there is a gap in the literature on causes that have historically made Uruguay the country with the strongest democratic rule of law in Latin America and Mexico one with the weakest democratic rule of law. Historical institutionalism is used to see how the evolution of the sequencing of political regimes as well as the evolution of civil-military relations in the two countries may explain the divergent outcomes. Emphasizing path-dependency, this analysis is conducted using a methodology of process-tracing. This research serves to put forward propositions in the form of a testable hypothesis on the causes that have led Mexico and Uruguay down different paths when it comes to the democratic rule of law. It also serves to fill a gap in the literature as cross-national differences on rule of law in Latin America have not been sufficiently well-explained.

Over time, hundreds of peace agreements have been signed in different parts of the world. Most of those peace agreements have not brought sustainable peace. Studies show that only 50% of the peace agreements survive for 5 years. After undergoing civil war between the ethnic groups, Bosnia and Herzegovina ended the bloodiest conflict in European history since the second world war with a peace agreement with the official name The General Framework Agreement for Peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina, also called the Dayton Peace Agreement. The main purpose of the Dayton Agreement was to bring peace and stability between the ethnic groups. Stability and peace would later democratize the country and bring it closer to the Western standards. 2020 marks the 25th anniversary of the Dayton Agreement. The Dayton peace agreement constitutes a big portion of the Bosnian constitution, outlining the structure of the new government and the division of power between the three ethnic groups in the country. Using the democratic pillar of the Liberal Peace concept as an analytical framework, this research investigates the impact of the Dayton peace agreement on the democratization process in Bosnia and Herzegovina and determines whether Liberal Peace has after all been achieved in Bosnia and Herzegovina, 25 years after the signing of the peace agreement. The study is conducted as a qualitative case study. The findings present that the Dayton agreement has been based on the liberal peace principles. The latest development in BiH show that the country has moved beyond the Dayton peace agreement to the European integration and European Union membership. The liberal peacebuilding has therefore taken another shift and the country’s main focus nowadays relies on resolving the needed reforms that will bring the country closer to the EU. The impact of the Dayton peace agreement is still present within the political sphere in the country, where many of the obstacles to becoming a European Union member state are caused by the Dayton agreement. There is thus high interest by the political elite in the country to move beyond what has happened 25-years ago and focus on the future of the country.

This diploma thesis deals with the topic of the independence of the judiciary, which is grasped in its full complexity. The thesis aims to answer two research questions: what techniques of influencing of the independence of the judiciary exist and how could be the resistance of the Czech judiciary against these techniques strengthened. In order to answer these two questions, thesis introduction elaborates the theory of the concept of an independent judiciary, independent court and independent judge and explains the difference between the concepts of judicial independence and judicial impartiality. After the introduction, the thesis describes in detail the steps which have been undertaken in Hungary and Poland since 2010 and which enabled to paralyze the independence of the judiciary in these states. The detailed description of the attacks against the independent judiciary helps to conceive different kinds of techniques by which can be the judiciary influenced. These techniques are categorized in the third part of the thesis. More attention is given to the court- packing technique and to the technique of disciplinary proceedings with judges. Another part of the thesis is dedicated to the second research question - how one can successfully fight against techniques of influencing an independent...