Cette thèse porte sur le rôle des avocats d’intérêt public dans les procès que les paysans intentent pour défendre leur droit au logement en Chine. Concernant les avocats d’intérêt public en Chine, deux figures sont valorisées dans cette thèse : l’avocat gouvernemental travaillant comme médiateur et l’avocat libéral travaillant comme acteur social. Le premier type d’avocat se compose de deux sous-groupes : les avocats recrutés comme fonctionnaires par le gouvernement local et les avocats libéraux sollicités provisoirement par le gouvernement local dans certaines affaires. Le deuxième type est également divisé en deux groupes : les avocats militants dans les grands cabinets et les avocats des petits cabinets. Dans sa dimension historique (chapitre 1), Cette profession s’inscrit dans la culture confucianiste de l’Empire - même si elle subit aussi l’influence de l’implantation juridique occidentale depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. Le concept occidental d’avocat a été introduit par le régime chinois de la dynastie de Qing de façon « top-down », et ce concept s’est superposé à la tradition du « Songshi ». Ces deux courants composent le fond sur lequel s’est construite la profession d’avocat chinois en se concentrant d’abord dans la région maritime du sud-ouest, surtout dans les grandes villes comme Shanghai et Canton. Dans les régions continentales, l’image de l’avocat reste encore fortement influencée par la tradition du « Songshi ». A partir de l’instauration de la République populaire de Chine, la profession d’avocat a obtenu du régime sa reconnaissance, mais elle a hérité de la tradition locale du « Songshi », et elle a fait partie des gestionnaires du régime (les fonctionnaires), au lieu d’être une profession libérale. Cette recherche met aussi en évidence la spécificité de l’institution judiciaire chinoise (chapitre 2): l’encastrement du système politique dans le système judiciaire conduit à une symbiose ; le passage par le politique est l’unique moyen de résoudre les problèmes ; les questions judiciaires et les problèmes sociaux sont politisés. Au niveau macro, l’organisation des grands corps de l’État est complexe et chaque corps défend son propre intérêt, bien davantage que l’intérêt général. Au niveau micro, tous les acteurs de l’action publique ont envie de devenir acteurs de l’action politique. Les avocats gouvernementaux sont un exemple, mais les avocats libéraux veulent aussi pénétrer dans l’administration de l’État par les activités extérieures de l’institution et du monde judiciaires. Les « cause lawyers » ont des prédispositions politiques (à gauche et à droite), et ils se confrontent au défi de défendre l’intérêt de leurs clients en même temps que de réaliser leur objectif politique. Dans le chapitre 3 et le chapitre 4, il nous montre les logiques d’activité dans différents groupes d’avocat, surtout dans l’affaire de démolition et d’expropriation. L’analyse de l’activité des avocats gouvernementaux qui travaille comme médiateur montre que ceux-ci utilisent la légitimité de la domination de l’État pour faire croire aux paysans que la destruction de leurs logements est une action politique légale. Leur rôle est plutôt celui d’un médiateur ou d’un conseil judiciaire que celui d’un avocat. La recherche porte sur les avocats libéraux s’engageant dans l’action publique comme acteurs. À cause du caractère politique de leurs interventions devant le tribunal, ces avocats perdent souvent leurs procès. Ils organisent des mobilisations à l’extérieur du tribunal comme des actions de ‘lobbying’, en espérant lancer un scandale sur les forums internet de sorte à faire pression sur les groupes d’intérêt. En utilisant internet, ils cherchent à transformer un procès en cause. / My study is about the role of Chinese public interest lawyers in the case of housing demolition of peasants. I want to know if there is a legal profession in China who has some similarity of cause lawyers in America. If there is, considering the reality of Chinese society, what are the same point and the difference between this professional group and the cause lawyers in the liberal democracy? These questions are relatives to the complex relation among the law, the politic, and the social change in chine. To answer these questions, I try to analyse the role of the lawyer in this relation from three dimensions. Firstly, it is necessary to describe the Chinese legal system in which the lawyer shows their characteristics, specially the relation between the law and the politic in China(Chapter 1 and chapter 2). Secondly, on the basis of interviews with the lawyers, observing the activity and the strategy of the lawyer inside and outside of their professional domain, I seek to make a conclusion of the specificity of the Chinese public interest lawyers (chapter 3); Thirdly, I will try to make a comparison with the cause lawyers according to these characteristics of Chinese public interest lawyers(chapter 4). This comparison can answer the question in the beginning of my study and give a good window into the role of Chinese public interest lawyer.

This essay takes aim on the issue that the concept of the best interest of the child has no distinct legal definition. This essay means to explore how the concept is constructed by the social workers in investigations about custody, accommodation and contact. Furthermore, previous research suggests that social norms have an influence on the construction of the concept. Therefore, this essay also aims to understand if this is the case and to what extent norms have an influence on the construction of the best interest of the child. Finally, the goal is also to understand how legal certainty is affected by the influence of social norms. This essay uses a content analysis of investigations that are presented in the court’s legal documents. The content analysis uses the theoretical framework from Håkan Hydéns norm model. The results show that social workers mainly use circumstances in the individual case to create meaning of what is and what is not the best interest of the child. Social workers also use their own knowledge and experience, as well as scientific knowledge. Lastly, social workers sometimes use their own interpretations, opinions and values to give meaning to what the best interest of the child means. The results also show that there is room for norms to influence the assessment of what is in the best interest of the child, but at the same time the result can’t explain to what extent social norms have an influence. Furthermore, the results show that the influence of norms may affect the legal certainty of children negatively.

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Cela fait plusieurs années que le conflit au Sri Lanka s’est officiellement terminé. Pendant près de 20 ans, l’armée et les Tigres de Libération de l’Îlam tamoul se sont affrontés. Durant les années de conflit, le gouvernement sri lankais a instruit plusieurs commissions d’enquête et de vérité afin de faire face aux abus et aux violations des droits humains. Celles-ci n’ont pas exaucé les promesses de vérité et justice dont elles étaient porteuses. Il en va de même pour les commissions étant apparu à la fin du conflit. Cette recherche a pour but l’analyse de la primauté du droit au Sri Lanka à l’issue des différents mécanismes se rapportant à la justice transitionnelle dans le pays. Plus précisément, nous procédons à un travail de définition de la primauté du droit qui s’attache aux échecs du gouvernement dans sa tentative de faire face à l’héritage du conflit. En conclusion, nous fournissons une définition de la primauté du droit capable de revaloriser la justice transitionnelle dans le pays, et dont les caractéristiques sont fondées sur une approche holistique du contexte. / It has been almost several years since the conflict in Sri Lanka officially ended. For nearly 20 years, the army, and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Îlam fought. During the years of conflict, the Sri Lankan government initiated several commissions of inquiry and truth commissions to address human rights abuses and violations. These commissions have not kept their promise of truth and justice. The same is true for the commissions that emerged at the end of the conflict. The purpose of this research is to analyze the rule of law in Sri Lanka through the various transitional justice mechanisms in the country. Specifically, we proceed to define the rule of law as it relates to the failures of the government to address the legacy of the conflict. In conclusion, we provide a definition of the rule of law capable of enhancing transitional justice in the country and whose characteristics are based on a holistic approach to context.

[pt] A presente pesquisa traz como proposta a investigação da propriedade privada no que tange à construção da norma jurídica, em especial, em relação à norma jurídica criminal. Nesse sentido, visando elaborar o trabalho da melhor forma possível, estabeleceu-se a seguinte situação-problema: com a finalidade de se contrapor à legalidade capitalista, na seara penal, é possível apoiar-se em uma proposta abolicionista no que diz respeito aos delitos contra o patrimônio (sem violência ou grave ameaça à pessoa)? Como hipótese fixada pela dissertação, logo após a construção da criação e naturalização da propriedade em Locke e na revolução francesa, além de apresentar os problemas encontrados no nascimento da prisão (sob a ótica de Foucault), busca-se, portanto, examinar se a criminalização dos crimes contra o patrimônio (sem violência ou grave ameaça) estabelecem uma relação direta de desigualdade perante o sistema capitalista, propondo, a partir da referida análise, uma possível abolição desses delitos da esfera penal, uma vez que tais criminalizações representam o interesse apenas de uma classe (dominante) sobre uma classe subalterna, a qual não possui acesso à propriedade privada de maneira cômoda e natural. Para tal, realizou-se pesquisa bibliográfica e documental, a partir das obras relacionadas ao tema, além de se valer de gráficos com a finalidade de demonstrar os problemas da prisão na contemporaneidade. / [en] The present research proposes the investigation of private property regarding the construction of the legal norm, in particular, in relation to the criminal legal norm. In this sense, in order to elaborate the work in the best possible way, the following problem situation was established: in order to oppose capitalist legality, in the criminal field, it is possible to rely on an abolitionist proposal with regard to crimes against property (without violence or serious threat to the person)? As a hypothesis fixed by the dissertation, soon after the construction of the creation and naturalization of property in Locke and in the French Revolution, in addition to presenting the problems encountered in the birth of the prison (from the perspective of Foucault), it seeks, therefore, to examine whether the criminalization of crimes against property (without violence or serious threat) establish a direct relationship of inequality before the capitalist system, proposing, from the aforementioned analysis, a possible abolition of these crimes in the criminal sphere, since such criminalizations represent the only interest of a (dominant) class over a subaltern class, which does not have access to private property in a comfortable and natural way. To this end, bibliographic and documentary research was carried out, based on works related to the theme, in addition to using graphics in order to demonstrate the problems of prison in contemporary times.

Av 19 kap. 22 § 1 st. första meningen jordabalken följer att om fastighetsregistrets inskrivningsdel innehåller någon uppenbar oriktighet som beror på inskrivningsmyndighetens eller någon annans skrivfel, på något liknande förbiseende eller på ett tekniskt fel, ska inskrivningsmyndigheten rätta uppgiften. Avseende bestämmelsen ämnar examensarbetet att fastställa gällande rätt (de lege lata), analysera rekvisiten och föreslå regelförändringar(de lege ferenda) som möjliggör att rättelse skulle kunna tillämpas i fler situationer än vad som är möjligt idag. För detta har rättsdogmatisk metod, rättsvetenskaplig metod och empirisk metod använts. Utöver de traditionella rättskällorna inkluderas empiriskt material som underrättspraxis, JO-avgöranden och intervjumaterial. Även rättelsebestämmelserna 36 § förvaltningslagen (2017:900) och 4 kap. 21 § lagen (2008:990) om företagshypotek presenteras som underlag för en avslutande jämförelse. Av slutsatserna framgår bland annat att rättelse ska tillämpas restriktivt, vilketinnebär att endast oriktigheter som tydligt uppfyller rekvisiten kan rättas. Om rättelse skulle tillämpas i fler situationer är det viktigt att den enskildes rättstrygghet inte äventyras då denne kan lida skada efter att ha förlitat sig på registeruppgifter som sedan ändras genom rättelse. / 19 ch. 22 § in the Land Code (Sw: jordabalken) stipulates that if the land register section of the Real Property Register contains an obvious inaccuracy which depends on the land registration authority or somebody else's clerical error, similar inadvertence or due to a technical error, the land registration authority shall correct the inaccuracy. Regarding this regulation, the purpose of this master’s thesis is to establish the law (de lege lata), analyse the necessary conditions and propose rule changes (de lege ferenda) whether correction could be applied in more situations than what is possible today. Beyond the traditional sources of law, empirical material consisting of lower court praxis, decisions from the Parliamentary ombudsmen and interview material are included. Also, the regulations regarding correction according to 36 § of the Administrative Procedure Act (Sw: förvaltningslagen (2017:900)) and 4 ch. 21 § of the Floating Charges Act (Sw: lag (2008:990) om företagshypotek) are presented as a basis for a concluding comparison. From the conclusion – for instance – it appears that 19 ch. 22 § of the Land Code has a restrictive interpretation, which means that only incorrections that in a clear way fulfil the necessary conditions can be corrected. If correction would be applied in more situations, it is important that the individual legal rights should not be compromised since a third party can suffer loss after relying on information in the register that later will be corrected.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Democracy is understood by many to be a government for the people by the people. As far as academic or scholarly traditions are concerned however, this is a rather populist depiction of the concept. According to the intellectual tradition, democracy is such when a system of governance meets several conditions. For the purpose of this study, the institutionalist tradition or theory of democracy which sees democracy as being dependent on institutions of contestation (elections) and participation (parliament) as well as others, is an important variable. However, the very same theory on democracy is not limited to institutions as the sole requirements for democracy. For the economic determinists, the point is that whilst institutions are important for democracy, they are not sufficient. In order for there to be such, favourable socio-economic conditions are important as well and these include affluence amongst other issues. The scientific orientation of this study being comparative, it seeks to take both the institutionalist variable of elections and the economic determinist variable of affluence as operational measures of the state of democracy in South Africa and Zimbabwe. As an additional operationalisation, the issue of civil and political liberties as per Freedom House classifications is also investigated in a similar comparative manner. The outcomes of the study show that at an electoral level, South Africa's model of proportional representation in the seat allocation system gives minorities a voice as opposed to Zimbabwe's fast past the post system based on the winner takes all principle. It was also established that the electoral machinery in Zimbabwe is more chaotically arranged and thus susceptible to abuse than in South Africa. At a socio-economic level, conditions have also been found to be a lot more favourable to the consolidation of democracy in South Africa than in Zimbabwe because of a wide array of issues, the most serious one being the declining income patterns for the average Zimbabwean as compared to the South African. Though the issue of high income inequality in South Africa should be highlighted as a threat, it should also be noted that in Zimbabwe, the apparent disrespect of the rule of law has an added negative implication for Zimbabwe as Freedom House has highlighted the declining of the country from partly free of 3.4 in 1980 to a partly free of 6.5 in 2000. The overall analysis comes to the conclusion that given the findings above, it seems South Africa's democracy can still hold stronger given an accelerated equitable distribution of wealth whilst for Zimbabwe, the revitalisation of democracy needs to start from the re-engineering of institutions to the regeneration of the concept of respect for the rule of law. Thus the comparison seems to show a democracy better suited for consolidation than the other. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Demokrasie word deur talle verstaan as regering van die volk deur die volk. Hierdie is egter 'n populêre voorstelling van die konsep. Volgens intellektuele tradisies, moet 'n demokrasie aan sekere vereistes voldoen. Vir die doel van hierdie studie, word die institusionele denke aanvaar wat die demokrasie as afhanklik van sulke instellings soos mededinging (verkiesings) en deelname ('n parlement) beskou. Dieselfde denke beklemtoon ook dat instellings nie die enigste vereistes is me, byvoorbeeld vir ekonomiese deterministe, is instellings nodig maar nie genoegsaam nie. Dit beteken dat gunstige sosio-ekonomiese toestande ook moet geld, spesifieke relatiewe hoë welvaartspeile. Die wetenskaplike orientasie van hierdie studie is vergelykend. Dit vergelyk sowel ekonomiese as institusionele kriteria, asook twee state, Suid-Afrika en Zimbabwe. 'n Addisionele saak word ook geoperasionaliseer, te wete burgerlike vryhede en politieke regte. Hier word Freedom House se klassifikasies aanvaar. Die studie toon dat op die vlak van verkiesings, Suid-Afrika se proporsionele verteenwoordigingstelsel kleiner partye en minderheidspartye verteenwoordiging bied, teenoor Zimbabwe se wenner-vat-alles-stelsel. Die Zimbabwiese stelsel was meer vatbaar vir wanbestuur en onvrye en onregverdige verkiesings. Op die sosio-ekonomiese vlakke is toestande vir die konsolidasie van demokrasie in Suid-Afrika veel beter as in Zimbabwe, waarvan die vernaamste die afname in welvaartspeile in Zimbabwe is. Hierteenoor is die styging van ongelykheidsvlakke in Suid-Afrika 'n negatiewe faktor. In Suid-Afrika is vryheidsindekse van Freedom House egter steeds op 'n hoë vlak, terwyl die Zimbabwiese vlakke drasties agteruitgaan, byvoorbeeld vanaf 3.4 in 1980 tot 'n onvrye vlak van 6.5 in 2000 waar 'n punt van 7 totaal onvry is. Die konklusie is dat demokrasie in Suid-Afrika konsolideerbaar is, terwyl Zimbabwe ook instellings sal moet red van ondergang. Die herstel van regsoewereiniteit kan 'n beginpunt wees. Die vergelykings wys dus uit dat Suid-Afrika veel beter daaraan toe is as Zimbabwe.

This study aims to examine how students who are studying social work are experiencing the combination of full time studies and a part-time job in a human service organization. Furthermore, the aim of this study is also to examine how these students consider legitimacy and the rule of law in relation to their part-time job. To answer this study, we put the focus on students who are studying their sixth or seventh semester in social work at Linnaeus University in Sweden where some students are combining full time studies with a part-time job in a human service organization. In total, nine students with this combination where interviewed in this study, all with different part-time jobs. The outcomes of this study show that students who are studying social work and working part-time are working for different reasons. Some of them say that they work for extra money, and some of them would like to get work experience. The students in this study think that this combination goes well and that they can relate practice from work into their theory in school and vise versa. Some of the students in this study have not thought about legitimacy in relation to their work, which we think is interesting. However, all of the students had thought about the rule of law in relation to their work. What is interesting to us is that we also learned that the students think that they can implement good work even though they have not thought about legitimacy that much.

This dissertation analyses the survival strategies that wealthy people in Mexico City have designed and implemented to protect themselves from kidnapping with special focus on household employment relationships. This particular crime has demonstrated a particular evolution in the last 20 years that deserves analysis. Once a political crime, it became an economic crime that at first only targeted wealthy individuals and then over time began targeting working class victims. Based on extensive qualitative fieldwork in Mexico City which included a year in the field, 78 interviews with employers, employees, kidnapping victims and members of the police forces and justice system and the creation of a news reports database this thesis presents a detailed history of the evolution of kidnapping in the period 1968-2009. This is followed by an in depth analysis of the strategies elites use to protect themselves from this crime. Special attention is focused on the hiring process of household employees, namely drivers, as evidence suggests that most kidnappings are organized or facilitated in some way by a close collaborator of the victim. The hiring process is approached as a problem of trust. Signaling theory is the main framework used for the solving of this problem, as well as some ideas found in transaction cost economics, namely vertical integration. The results point towards strategic behavior from the actors involved that seeks to minimize the risk of being kidnapped for the employer. Signaling helps us uncover the specific mechanisms by which employer establish their prospective employees’ trustworthiness. The use of informal social networks made up of strong ties is one of the most salient mechanisms used to guarantee honest employees and this, together with a composite set of properties is signaled throughout. This thesis contributes to the literature on crime in Latin America as well as to the sociological literature on signaling, a branch of analytical sociology.

This thesis challenges some of the current limits to the grounds for judicial review of legislation accepted by most Canadian jurists. More specifically, it makes a common law-based argument in favour of the priority over legislation of principles which are implied from the Imperial Constitution Acts 1867-1982 and which originally derive from the English constitution – namely implied constitutional principles. The argument faces two main interrelated legal objections: Parliamentary sovereignty and the Framers’ intentions. The first objection is rebutted by arguing that Parliamentary sovereignty possesses an ability to change in a way that can incorporate substantive legal limitations. The most prevalent common law-based theories of change to Parliamentary sovereignty suggest that the courts can authoritatively determine if implied constitutional principles can check legislation. The second objection is rebutted by reference to the notion of progressive interpretation as conceived under Hartian and Dworkinian theories of law and adjudication. Under these theories, progressive interpretation is an aspect of the courts’ best overall interpretation of the constitution, which includes implied constitutional principles. Such progressive interpretation can result in these principles constraining legislative authority. Justification of the progressive interpretation of implied constitutional principles can be based on the rule of law from which derive a number of these principles. One plausible conception of the Canadian rule of law is that it rejects the view that implied constitutional principles can prevail when in conflict with legislation. However, the better conception is that, as an attempt to adapt implied constitutional principles to relevant changes in society and to protect their underlying values, the judiciary should interpret these principles as capable of checking legislation to the extent that they form part of the core content of the rule of law. Such a conception and an operation of implied constitutional principles can properly be explained by Hartian or Dworkinian common law-based progressive interpretation of these principles and by their relationship with legislative authority.