A presente tese tem por finalidade demonstrar a necessidade de que as leis sejam elaboradas com qualidade formal, no que tange aos aspectos de redação e estruturação interna, de modo a permitir a devida compreensão do texto e, igualmente, da norma nele contida por parte tanto dos aplicadores da lei como dos cidadãos. Pretende-se demonstrar a existência de um dever constitucional de elaborar a legislação com clareza, coerência e logicidade. Esse múnus, inerente ao Estado de Direito, é materializado nos princípios da segurança jurídica (CF, art. 1º) e do devido processo legal (CF, art. 5º, LIV). No Brasil, há norma específica (CF, art. 59, parágrafo único) a prever a edição de lei complementar destinada a disciplinar a elaboração, a redação, a alteração e a consolidação das leis (Lei Complementar n. 95, de 26 de fevereiro de 1998). A metodologia utilizada é essencialmente dogmática, mediante a análise do direito positivo brasileiro. Utilizam-se eventuais enfoques zetéticos a partir da Ciência da Legislação, da Sociologia do Direito e da Ciência Política. Propõe-se, também, a ampla análise de doutrina e jurisprudência nacionais e estrangeiras. O capítulo 1 destina-se a introduzir o tema, com a finalidade de demonstrar que, embora as leis sejam objeto de vontade política, estão, também, sujeitas a limitações quanto ao procedimento para a sua elaboração, ao seu próprio conteúdo e à sua redação e estruturação. No capítulo 2, estuda-se a Ciência da Legislação, seu desenvolvimento e suas ramificações, em especial a Legística de caráter formal e sua contribuição para o aperfeiçoamento da produção legislativa. No capítulo 3, examina-se a evolução da Ciência da Legislação no Brasil, que culminou com a previsão contida no parágrafo único do artigo 59 da Constituição e na LC 95/98, editada em seu cumprimento. Considera-se a LC 95/98 em diversos aspectos: seus destinatários, efeitos, momento de aplicação, bem como as consequências de sua inobservância durante o processo legislativo e depois de aprovada a lei. No capítulo 4, aborda-se a inconstitucionalidade das leis, mediante o exame da evolução de cada uma de suas espécies (material, formal, orgânica e, afinal, finalística), com especial enfoque à inconstitucionalidade finalística decorrente de má-formação interna ou estrutural da lei. No capítulo 5, estuda-se o controle de constitucionalidade sob os aspectos formal e estrutural da lei no direito estrangeiro (Estados Unidos, França, Canadá, Espanha, Portugal, Itália e Alemanha). O capítulo 6 enfoca o tema central a inconstitucionalidade finalística intrínseca ao ato normativo, decorrente de severa deficiência redacional ou estrutural interna , demonstrando-se que não basta a mera inobservância aos critérios de Legística materializados na LC 95/98 para causar a inconstitucionalidade da lei: é necessário que a imperfeição seja de tal monta a ponto de vulnerar os princípios constitucionais do devido processo legal e da segurança jurídica. Esses princípios são analisados enquanto parâmetros para a aferição da constitucionalidade das leis no que tange aos aspectos de clareza, coerência e logicidade de sua redação e estruturação. Por fim, no capítulo 7 analisa-se a prática do controle de constitucionalidade com fundamento em regras de Legística. / This thesis aims at demonstrating the need for laws to be written with formal quality, regarding the aspects of wording and internal structure in order to allow the proper understanding of the text and, likewise, of the legal norm contained in it both on the part of law enforcers and citizens. The thesis intends to demonstrate the existence of a constitutional duty of writing legislation with clarity, coherence and logicality. This munus, which is inherent to the rule of law, is materialized in the principles of legal certainty (Federal Constitution, article 1) and the due process of law (Federal Constitution, article 5, LIV). In Brazil, there is a specific legal norm (Federal Constitution, article 59, sole paragraph) providing for the issuance of a Complementary Law aimed at regulating the elaboration, wording, amendment and consolidation of laws (Complementary Law n. 95 of February 26, 1998). The methodology used is essentially dogmatic by analyzing the Brazilian positive law. Eventual zetetic approaches from the Legislation Science, Sociology of Law and Political Science are used. The comprehensive analysis of doctrine and national and foreign jurisprudence is also proposed. Chapter 1 aims at introducing the theme with the purpose to demonstrate that, although the laws are the subject to political will, they are also subject to limitations as to the procedure for their elaboration, to their own content and their wording and structuring. In chapter 2, Legislation Science is studied, as well as its development and ramifications, especially formal Legistics and its contribution to the improvement of legislative production. In Chapter 3, the evolution of Legislation Science in Brazil is examined, and it culminated with the provision contained in the sole paragraph of article 59 of the Constitution and the LC 95/98, published in compliance with it. The LC 95/98 is taken into consideration in several respects: its recipients, effects, time of application, as well as the consequences of its non-observance during the legislative process and after the law passed. Chapter 4 addresses the unconstitutionality of laws by examining the evolution of each one of its kinds (material, formal, organic and, at last, finalistic), with special focus on finalistic unconstitutionality deriving from internal or structural malformation of the law. In Chapter 5, the constitutionality control under formal and structural aspects of the law in foreign Law (United States, France, Canada, Spain, Portugal, Italy and Germany) is studied. Chapter 6 focuses on the central theme the finalistic unconstitutionality intrinsic to the normative ruling derived from wording or internal structural deficiency demonstrating that the mere failure to follow the criteria of Legistics materialized in LC 95/98 is not enough to cause the unconstitutionality of the law. It is necessary that the imperfection is of such magnitude as to violate the constitutional principles of due process of law and rule of law. These principles are analyzed as parameters for gauging the unconstitutionality of laws in relation to aspects of clarity, coherence and logicality of their wording and structure. Finally, in Chapter 7, the practice of constitutionality control is analyzed on the grounds of Legistics rules.

Submitted by Silvana Teresinha Dornelles Studzinski (sstudzinski) on 2016-10-11T14:55:58Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Eduardo Reis Fortes do Rego_.pdf: 905042 bytes, checksum: 155c79b1d9ebf0c419bbff3ff378bc0e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-11T14:55:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Carlos Eduardo Reis Fortes do Rego_.pdf: 905042 bytes, checksum: 155c79b1d9ebf0c419bbff3ff378bc0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-17 / CNPQ – Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / A presente dissertação se propõe a analisar o papel exercido pela Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos da América no cenário político-jurídico do país. De uma instituição meramente jurídica, historicamente, a Suprema Corte tem desempenhado importante papel na formulação de políticas públicas nacionais e na condução do debate público nacional. Mediante uma análise histórica do Direito estadunidense, pretende-se apresentar as diferenças e as peculiaridades do Direito dos Estados Unidos, em comparação ao Direito inglês. Nesse cotejo, nota-se que antecedentes do controle jurisdicional de constitucionalidade de leis já eram vistos no Direito inglês, como as contribuições de Edward Coke, e na própria história colonial americana. Com fundamento no common law inglês, mas com influências da tradição jurídica romano-germânica, o Direito estadunidense desenvolveu institutos próprios, aptos a enfrentar os desafios surgidos no novo país. Entre as inovações, há a Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos, órgão de cúpula do Poder Judiciário, que, entretanto, desempenha importante função política na concretização das disposições constitucionais, na harmonização entre os Poderes e entre os diversos entes federados. Em verdade, a Corte concorre na elaboração de políticas públicas nacionais, voz ativa nas principais deliberações públicas nacionais, influenciada e influenciando os atores políticos tradicionais. / This thesis analyzes the role played by the United States Supreme Court in the legal and political frame. From a legal institution, historically, the Supreme Court has played an important role in the formulation of national policies and the conduct of national public debate. For historical analysis of U.S. Law, it intends to show the differences and peculiarities of the U.S. Law versus to English law. Then, the judicial review`s history started in English Law, as the study of Edward Coke, and even in the American colonial history. Based on English common law, but with influences from civil law tradition, the American Law has developed its own institutions, able to face the challenges in the new country. Among the innovations, there is the United States Supreme Court, a member of the Federal Judiciary, which, however, plays an important political role in the respect of constitutional provisions, the harmonization between the powers and the States. In fact, the Court takes part of the national policies, thus it is an active voice in the national public deliberations, whereas the Court influenced and is influencing for the traditional political actors.

A partir de dezenove textos publicados por Otto Kirchheimer no período final da República de Weimar, o presente trabalho investiga as possibilidades oferecidas por uma forma específica de organização política o Estado Constitucional Parlamentar para a realização da democracia e, ao mesmo tempo, para a promoção de transformações sociais. Amálgama inconstante entre a crítica de Carl Schmitt às instituições liberais e a crítica marxista da sociedade, a obra weimariana de Kirchheimer apresenta uma análise instigante do ordenamento jurídico e da realidade histórica na qual ele está inserido. Constituição, Estado Parlamentar, separação de poderes e a legitimidade de diferentes meios de ação política são alguns dos temas abordados. O trabalho discute, assim, uma importante ruptura teórica na obra de Kirchheimer nesse período: o progressivo reconhecimento de que o direito pode e deve servir como limitador do poder político, garantindo certo conteúdo mínimo de liberdade. Das falhas no funcionamento do Parlamento e das instituições da democracia formal passa a decorrer, para ele, a necessidade de aperfeiçoá-los e não mais de rejeitá-los. / Based on nineteen texts written by Otto Kirchheimer during the final period of the Weimar Republic, the present work wishes to investigate the possibilities opened by a specific form of political organization the Parliamentary Constitutional State for the implementation of democracy and, at the same time, for the promotion of social change. Shifting combination of Carl Schmitt criticism of liberal institutions and Marxist criticism of society, the weimarian work of Kirchheimer offers a compelling analysis of the legal system and the historical reality in which it inheres. Constitution, Parliamentary State, separation of powers, and the legitimacy of different ways of political actions are some of his main themes. We detect, then, an important cleavage appearing in the writings of Kirchheimer during this period: his progressive conscience that the legal system can and should serve as a counterweight to political power, in order to guarantee a minimum of liberties. From the deficiencies detected in the working of Parliament and, more generally, of democratic institutions, he now arrives at the necessity of enhancing them not anymore of rejecting them.

Il existe, entre la Serbie et la France, une véritable communauté scientifique en ce qui concerne le droit public. En effet, depuis le XIXe siècle, si l’on se penche sur l’histoire, les publicistes serbes et français s’interrogent sur les mêmes problèmes relatifs à l’État et sa pérennité. Ceci n’a rien d’étonnant car la Serbie, comme la France, a sa place dans le cadre de l’espace européen contemporain et répond à ses modèles. Les concepts de droit public que nous connaissons, par rapport au cas étudié, sont de deux types : nous pouvons distinguer les concepts de processus, qui témoignent d’une dynamique particulière, et les concepts de cas, qui nous amènent à une analyse statique. Concernant les premiers, il est question de transition démocratique, transition constitutionnelle, succession d’États, dislocation, sécession, séparation d’États et internationalisation du droit public. Pour les seconds, il s’agit des concepts d’État, personnalité morale, d’État constitutionnel, souveraineté, État composé (état fédéré, régional, autonomies), État de droit, démocratie et administration internationale. Il ne nous a pas semblé nécessaire de créer d’autres concepts. En effet, la plupart des points problématiques rappellent les grandes théories, plus ou moins directement. Dans le cadre de notre recherche il a bien été question de faire un bilan de ces théories, au regard d’un cas concret : la République de Serbie depuis, 1990, au moment de l’introduction du pluripartisme, dans la Yougoslavie titiste mourante. Le but de cette analyse est de proposer notre contribution car nous n’avons pas la prétention de fonder une nouvelle théorie de l’État. Mais au vu des mécanismes du droit, comme outil nous permettant de penser l’État, le cas de la Serbie, depuis 1990, et ses données spécifiques, nous amènent à engager une piste de réflexion sur l’État tel qu’il peut être pensé et critiqué, en ce début de XXIe siècle. / The nineteenth century, if one looks at History, French and Serbian publicists have questioned the same problems with regard to the issue State and its future. This is not surprising as Serbia, like France, has its place in the framework of the European contemporary public Law. The concepts of public Law that we know from the cases studied are of two types: we can distinguish between concepts of process, which has proven to be particularly dynamic, and concepts of case law that leads us to a static analysis. The former relates to a democratic transition, constitutional transition, succession, dislocation, secession, separation of state and internationalization of public law. The latter, pertains to concepts of state, legal status, sovereignty, state compound (federal state, regional autonomies), Rule of law, Democracy and international administration. It did not seem necessary to create other concepts. Indeed, the most problematic issues involve the major theories, more or less directly. Part of our research has included a review of these theories, in terms of a concrete case: the Republic of Serbia since 1990, when the introduction of multipartism in Tito's Yugoslavia came to end. The purpose of this analysis is to offer our contribution ; we do not pretend to find a new theory of the state. Indeed in view of the mechanisms of Law as a tool to consider the question of state, in the case of Serbia, since 1990, with its specific circumstances, leads us to initiate a line of reflexions on the issue of state that may be thought as criticism, in the early twenty-first century.

L’ouverture politique au Maroc a été rendue possible suite à certains facteurs dont des évènements externes et d’autres internes, mais elle ne peut être dissociée de la volonté monarchique d’engager le pays dans un processus de démocratisation afin de renforcer l’Etat de droit.Après s’être rendu compte de l’impératif d’une conciliation de la monarchie constitutionnelle et de la démocratie, le Maroc semble désormais donner plus de priorité aux principes démocratiques. Si le pays a longtemps sombré dans un autoritarisme absolu, les différentes réformes engagées ces dernières décennies vont dans le sens de l’amélioration de la qualité démocratique du régime en place. Mais certaines résistances remettent en cause les acquis du processus démocratique, sans oublier que ce dernier se retrouve confronté aux disfonctionnements du système et aux déficits hérités du passé. Ainsi, plusieurs défis sont encore à relever.La présente thèse tente d’apporter des éléments de réponse à la question de savoir si la construction démocratique du régime marocain est possible face à un système politique qui reste fondé sur la suprématie de la monarchie et sur la tradition.Cette problématique sera abordée sous l’angle de la mutation du modèle marocain de monarchie constitutionnelle et de la difficile construction démocratique du système en place. La présente thèse estime que le Maroc est sans aucun doute sur la voie de la démocratie malgré les efforts qui restent à fournir. Elle considère aussi que ce processus de démocratisation consiste à concilier entre l’universalité de la démocratie et la spécificité de la pratique démocratique au Maroc. / The political freedom in Morocco has become possible due to some factors that can be either internal or external. However, this latter cannot be disassociated from the willing of the monarchy to engage the country in a process of democratization to reinforce the rule of law.Being aware of the imperative democratization of the constitutional monarchy, Morocco seems to afford more priority to democratic principles. If Morocco has long been in the darkness of an absolute autoritarism, the different reforms engaged in these last decades have, at least, improved the quality of the local regime. However, certain resistance let us think more about the process of democracy, knowing that this latter is confronted to a disfunctioning of the system and mainly to the defects of the past. In this case, some challenges are mandatory.The present thesis, then, tend to answer the question if the democratic construction of the moroccan regime is possible in front of a political system which is based on the supremacy of the monarchy and on tradition.This problematic will be dealt with according to the mutation of the constitutional monarchy of the local regime. In addition to this, the present thesis estimates that Morocco is with no doughty in the right track of democracy even if still much effort is to be done. I t also considers that this process of democratization consists to conciliate the universality of democracy and the specificity of the democratic practice in Morocco.

Há leis que instituem programas de parcelamento tributário, concedendo benefícios fiscais e exigindo contrapartidas por parte dos contribuintes, a fim de encerrar os litígios fiscais pendentes e de promover a arrecadação tributária. As exigências mais comuns são a confissão irrevogável e irretratável dos débitos parcelados, a desistência de processos administrativos e judiciais que discutam esses débitos e a renúncia às alegações de direito sobre as quais se fundamentam esses processos. Nesse contexto, o objetivo deste trabalho é verificar a validade e a eficácia dessas cláusulas, a partir de sua conformidade com o sistema constitucional tributário. As condições para adesão aos programas de parcelamento tributário serão analisadas por meio da investigação dos efeitos da manifestação de vontade do sujeito passivo na instituição da obrigação tributária à luz da legalidade e por meio da averiguação da compatibilidade das imposições legais com os direitos fundamentais e com as normas estruturantes do Estado de Direito. Para tanto, analisam-se as leis federais, estaduais e municipais que instituíram os principais programas de parcelamento tributário, com o objetivo de identificar os benefícios fiscais concedidos pelo Poder Público e os requisitos impostos aos contribuintes que quiserem aderir aos programas. Em seguida, passa-se ao exame da legalidade tributária e do papel que a manifestação de vontade do sujeito passivo pode assumir frente a essa norma estruturante do Estado de Direito. A partir das conclusões alcançadas na investigação sobre o papel da manifestação de vontade do sujeito passivo no Direito Tributário, estuda-se a validade e os efeitos da cláusula de confissão irrevogável e irretratável do débito parcelado. Por fim, analisam-se as cláusulas de desistência e de renúncia tendo em vista os limites às restrições de direitos fundamentais no Estado de Direito. Ao final, pretende-se encontrar uma forma de compatibilizar as exigências para ingresso no programa de parcelamento fiscal com o caráter ex lege da obrigação tributária e com os direitos fundamentais dos contribuintes. / Some statutes establish tax installment programs, granting tax reductions and requiring counterparts from taxpayers, in order to terminate tax disputes and promote tax collection. The most common requirements are irrevocable and irreversible confession of the debt inserted in the tax installment program, withdrawal of administrative and judicial procedures against this debt, and waiver of the rights that substantiate these procedures. In this context, the aim of this dissertation is to verify the validity and effectiveness of these clauses, from the point of view of their compliance with the Brazilian constitutional tax system. The conditions to adhere to the tax installment programs will be analyzed by investigating the effects of taxpayers consent in the institution of tax obligation, considering the legality principle, and the compatibility of the legal requirements with fundamental individual rights and the Rule of Law principles. To achieve this objective, federal, state and municipal statutes which established tax installment programs will be analyzed, in order to identify the tax reductions usually granted and the requirements imposed to the taxpayers who want to subscribe to these programs. Subsequently, the tax legality principle will be scrutinized and the role of taxpayers consent will be analyzed considering this Rule of Laws principle. From the conclusions reached in the investigation of the role of taxpayers consent in Tax Law, the validity and effectiveness of the irrevocable and irreversible confession clause will be studied. Finally, the withdrawal and waiver clauses will be analyzed in view of the limits imposed to restriction of fundamental individual rights in the Rule of Law. At the end point, this essay aims to find a way to reconcile the requirements imposed for the subscription to tax installment programs with the tax obligations ex lege character and with taxpayers fundamental rights.

As a mode of intervention in which the UN assumed direct authority over disrupted states, transitional administrations represent unique examples of ambitious state-building projects. This thesis investigates the apparent failure of transitional administrations to establish the rule of law in Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor. It identifies nine explanatory factors which are tested against each case study. In addition, it seeks to enhance conceptual understandings of the UN???s state-building agenda and to add to empirical studies regarding attempts by external actors to establish the rule of law in disrupted states. Three findings emerge. First, in each case, UN transitional administrations failed in each of the following ways: to make the best use of their mandate; to establish effective state justice institutions; to build local commitment to the rule of law as a value system; to promote social relationships supportive of the rule of law; to ensure sufficient state capacity post-intervention; to maintain adequate levels of security; to address the existence of informal justice structures; to deal with the legacies of the past; and to ensure an adequate level of mission performance. Of these, establishing effective state justice institutions, building local commitment and addressing informal justice structures proved most crucial. Second, the state-based ???enforcement??? approach adopted by transitional administrations proved ineffective. Enacting laws and establishing coercive state structures such as judicial, police and prison services were critical to, but could not be equated with the rule of law. This approach did not account sufficiently for the importance of entrenched informal justice institutions, of the voluntary consent of local actors, or of appropriate institutional design choices. As a result, it did not offer real solutions to real problems faced by local actors. Finally, the UN failed to consider fully how to create an enabling ???space??? in which internal processes of change could occur, to engage appropriately with local actors, to overcome the tyrannies of truncated deployment, or to address these issues at the ???front-end??? of the mission. This ???entry without strategy??? approach to state-building seriously undermined the UN???s ability to establish the rule of law, as the self-declared touchstone of its state-building agenda.

Though ultimately seeking more just law, civil disobedience still entails the breaching of a law. For this reason, most theories hold that people who practice civil disobedience must be willing to accept the legal consequences of their actions. On the other hand, a nation that is truly committed to justice will recognize that its constitution and legal order may in some ways fall short of perfect justice. In this thesis, I defend Rawls’s theory of civil disobedience as unique in its capacity for justification and even government toleration. Appealing to a shared conception of justice, Rawlsian civil disobedients are able to ground their actions in the same principles to which the state is committed. I argue that Rawls’s shared conception of justice is further substantiated when read in the light of his later theory of the overlapping consensus of comprehensive doctrines. I ultimately conclude that civil disobedience construed in the Rawlsian sense ought to receive some degree of toleration by the state, and particularly by constitutional states which maintain a formal commitment to justice in the protection of rights and intentional design of government institutions.

Målet med denna uppsats är att bidra till kvalitetsutveckling gällande behovsbedömning och beslutsformulering vid handläggning enligt socialtjänstlagen. Syftet med uppsatsen är att granska handläggningsprocessen gällande boendestödsbeslut. Med utgångspunkt i denna granskning vill vi komma fram till förslag på förbättringsområden. Förslagen ska vara förenliga med krav från och behov hos lagstiftaren, den enskilde, socialtjänsten/kommunen och biståndshandläggaren. Beslut om boendestöd är idag tidsbegränsade, oftast till ett år, utan att den enskilde egentligen ansökt om det. För den enskilde stödmottagaren innebär detta bristande rättssäkerhet, otrygghet och brist på kontinuitet. Vi har i denna uppsats försökt kartlägga skälen till att besluten ser ut på detta sätt genom att tillämpa en hermeneutisk metod. Av vår genomgång framgår att det inte finns stöd för rutinmässig tidsbegränsning av beslut i lagstiftningen. I vissa fall, där det kan förutses att behovet förändras över tid, kan det dock vara motiverat. Målgruppen för boendestöd har ofta långvariga funktionsnedsättningar och stödbehov som kan antas kvarstå över längre tid än ett år. Enligt de kommunala riktlinjer som vi har granskat är boendestöd en insats som ska tidsbegränsas. De biståndshandläggare som vi har tillfrågat tidsbegränsar i 80 procent av fallen beslut om boendestöd till en giltighetstid på upp till ett år. Det huvudsakliga skälet till detta är att biståndshandläggarna anser att det underlättar uppföljning av besluten. Resultatet av vår studie pekar på att ett antal åtgärder skulle kunna öka kvaliteten på behovsbedömning och beslut om boendestöd. Dessa innebär främst implikationer för kommun, socialtjänst och biståndshandläggare att arbeta vidare med i syfte att skapa en mer rättssäker och evidensbaserad biståndshandläggning. / The intention of this study is to contribute to quality enhancement regarding needs assessment and shaping of decisions of the social service called living support (i.e. boendestöd) according to the law of social service. The aim of this study is to review the process of needs assessment concerning living support. Based on this review we want to give suggestions to possible improvements. Our suggestions must be compatible with demands and requirements from the lawmaker, the individual, the social service/the municipality and the process officer. Today, decision of living support is time limited, usually to a year, without the individual actually having applied for it. This leads to a lack of legal security, personal security and continuity for the individual. In this study, we have tried to locate the reasons for why the decisions are constructed in this way by using a hermeneutical method. Our study shows no support for perfunctory time limiting of decisions according to the law. In some cases where there can be forecasted that the need changes over time, it can though be motivated. The target group for living support often have prolonged impairments and needs of support highly estimated to last more than a year. According to municipal guidelines, reviewed by us, living support is an inset to be time limited. The process officers we have asked in 80 per cent of all cases time limits the decisions up to one year. The main reason for this is that the process officers regard time limiting as making follow-ups of the decisions easier. The result of our study points to a number of measures for increasing the quality of needs assessment and decisions of living support. These measures have implications for the municipality, the social services and the process officers with the purpose of creating a more legally secure and evidence based process of needs assessment.

The existing rights paradigm in Aboriginal law accepts Crown sovereignty claims grounded in ethnocentric conceptions of terra nullius and discovery, and views Aboriginal rights as arising out of prior occupation. The Supreme Court of Canada has shaken this paradigm by characterizing Crown sovereignty as merely de facto until reconciled with Aboriginal sovereignty and legitimated by a treaty, by developing the duty to consult, and by characterizing reconciliation as a process that is part of a generative constitutional order. The moves the Court toward a new paradigm rooted in the principle of the equality of peoples in which treaties provide a framework for sharing sovereignty. As part of the Canadian federation, Aboriginal sovereignty can strengthen Canadas territorial integrity and contribute to Canadas economic development.<p> In the past, courts allowed the act of state doctrine to shield Crown assertions of sovereignty from scrutiny. This doctrine protects Canadas territorial integrity, but does not shield the Crowns actions from legal and constitutional scrutiny. The fundamental constitutional principle of rule of law and the de facto doctrine will protect interests that relied on assumptions of Crown sovereignty that lacked constitutional legitimacy.<p> The transformation in the fundamental principles of Aboriginal law has parallels to Thomas Kuhns description of a paradigm shift in the natural sciences. The rights paradigm is in a crisis with moral and practical dimensions. It is incommensurable with the equality paradigm, and therefore the choice of paradigms will depend on normative criteria. Fundamental principles of the Canadian constitution, international standards of human rights and the perspectives of growing numbers of practitioners in the field that are of Aboriginal ancestry are all forces that will complete the shift to the equality paradigm.<p> An equality paradigm will result in the abandonment of some Aboriginal law doctrines, and the modification of others. Aboriginal title is inconsistent with an equality paradigm because it assumes the legitimacy of the Crowns claims to sovereignty, gives the Crown a superior title, and limits Aboriginal nations to a burden of only limited and subordinate rights. The fiduciary relationship rooted in the honour of the Crown will grow into a non-hierarchical relationship with reciprocal obligations.<p> Decisions of courts can play a supporting role, but only negotiations and treaties can build a genuine partnership, effective and equitable sharing of sovereignty and ultimately reconciliation between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal peoples in Canada.