The Master thesis focuses itself on establishment and development of free press and other media in Albania during the period since the fall of communism till today. Along with the gradual losing of power of communist regime since 1990 that culminated in 1992 by the establishment of democratic government, new era of Albanian media started, an era filled by dynamic changes and twists that have impact on the media up to these days. The aim of the author is to describe this development and to assess how Albanian media faced it and thus influenced current shape and functioning of the media market. Apart from describing the media scene in the 1990s and 2000s, specifically the establishment and development of main Albanian media as well as political and economic situation of the country, the main goal of the thesis lies in assessing the degree of independence of current Albanian press and describing of work conditions of local journalists. The main source to do that were the interviews conducted with Albanian journalists commenting mainly the issues of freedom of speech and press in their own country as well as conditions of their everyday work and thus revealing functioning of media and other sectors in this Balkan country.

The aim of this diploma paper is to analyse and define the nature of secret exercise of public authority and to asses this phenomena in respect of the fundamental principles of the democratic rule of law. Any secrecy in exercising public authority is in fact a clear contradiction to a natural concept of the human rights and fundamental freedoms. Therefore the republic, as a public institution, should not have too many secrets to hide away from the people if its own principles are not to be completely disgraced. Secrecy in exercising public authority is a specific feature often related to the areas such as securing the sovereignity and territorial integrity of the Czech Republic, protecting its democratic foundations, protection of the lives and health of the population as well as the right to own the property. This is in full accordance with the constitutional duty of the state. Limited access to the information has a unique and 84 inevitable role in these areas and it is clearly mentioned in the Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, the European Convention of Human Rights and Freedoms and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. The question of choice between the security and the liberty has been recently heavily discussed by the people as a natural follow up to the...

La France est un acteur majeur de la société internationale dont l’attachement aux « droits de l’Homme » constitue un élément caractéristique de sa politique extérieure. Il est alors paradoxal de constater que si la signature de la Convention européenne des droits de l’Homme a été opérée dès 1950, ce n’est qu’en 1974 que celle-ci sera ratifiée et en 1981 que le droit de recours individuel sera reconnu. Il y a donc une ambivalence entre une ligne politique de respect des « droits de l’Homme » et l’acceptation pleine et entière des instruments internationaux correspondants lorsqu’ils instaurent des organes supranationaux de contrôle. Lorsque la France est mise en cause devant la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme, elle se doit de défendre, non seulement ses propres intérêts, mais également ceux du mécanisme objectif de garantie des droits instaurés par la Convention européenne. Il y a donc une pluralité de rôles qui s’offrent à la France en ce cas. Ensuite, la fonction première de la Cour européenne des droits de l’Homme consiste à vérifier que les organes internes ont bien appliqué et, le cas échéant, réparé les violations à la Convention européenne. Ce n’est qu’en cas de carence des organes de l’Etat que la France devrait être poursuivie devant la Cour. Enfin, l’incidence de la jurisprudence de la Cour sur l’organisation institutionnelle française est fondamentale et dépasse la stricte mise en œuvre de la Convention par les seules juridictions nationales / France is a major actor in the international society whose attachment to the "human rights" is a characteristic feature of its foreign policy. It is a paradox that if the signature of the European Convention on human rights was proceeded in 1950, it was ratified only in 1974, and the individual petition was recognized in 1981. There is an ambivalence between a policy of respect for the "human rights" and the acceptance of the relevant international instruments when it creates an international body to control its application.When France is sued in the European Court of human rights, it must defend, not only its own interests, but also those of the objective mechanism of the guarantee of the rights established by the European Convention. So there is a plurality of characters for France in this case. Thus, the primary function of the European Court of human rights is to verify that internal organs had properly applied the European Convention and, where appropriate, repaired the violations: is that in the case of deficiency of the State’s organs that France should be sued in the Court. Finally, the impact of the Court’s case-law on the French institutional organization is fundamental and exceed the strict implementation of the Convention by only national courts

L'économie chinoise a connu une croissance économique importante depuis 30 ans, mais celle-ci n'a pas bénéficié aux travailleurs chinois, qui supportent toujours des conditions de travail très éprouvantes, avec un niveau de protection très insuffisant. Pourquoi les travailleurs chinois ne profitent-ils pas de ce développement économique ? Les causes sont multiples : outre le facteur démographique, la recherche prioritaire des intérêts économiques constitue la raison principale. Pourquoi faut-il améliorer la protection des travailleurs en Chine ? Et par quels moyens cette amélioration peut-elle se produire ? La thèse montre, d'une part, l'évolution et les mouvements de la classe ouvrière dans l'histoire chinoise, en comparant sa situation avant et après 1949, et les raisons, historiques et politiques, qui ont conduit le gouvernement chinois à négliger la protection des travailleurs, bien que ces derniers aient bénéficié d'une place privilégiée dans le système communiste. D'autre part, sont envisagés les moyens, politiques et législatifs, pour initier l'amélioration de cette protection. Pour cela, une réforme politique serait la solution radicale, impliquant une démocratisation à long terme et mettant l'accent sur la protection des droits de l'homme, et sur les droits des travailleurs en particulier Ce qui suppose notamment que soit garantie l'indépendance des syndicats. La protection des travailleurs est donc indissociable de la construction de l'Etat de Droit. / Chinese economy has made significant progress for more than thirty years, but the Chinese laborers still benefit very little from the economic growth, who have to endure difficult working conditions with insufficient working protection. Why can the Chinese laborers not profit from the economic development? The pursuit for the economic interests as the highest priority is the main cause in addition to a large population. Why must the laborers' working protection be improved? By what means can this working protection be improved? This paper describes the history of the development of Chinese working class and workers' movement, especially the difference between before and after 1949 and analyzes the reasons why the Chinese government ignored the workers' protection from the point of history and politics, even the working class has preferential position in the Communist system. On the other, it analyzes the ways to improving the laborers' protection from the political and judicial points of view. In the long term, the political reform is the fundamental approach, which means the democracy and the protection of human rights, especially protecting the legitimate rights and interests of workers, which requires guaranteeing the independence of trade unions. The protection of workers' rights cannot be separated from the realization of a state under the rule of law as well.

As organizações regionais (ORs) latino-americanas têm atuado de maneira formal em segurança cidadã há pelo menos 20 anos. Em diferentes tratados, declarações, planos de ação, projetos, atas, entre outros documentos das organizações regionais, seja na América do Sul seja na América Central, evidencia-se que há uma relação importante entre segurança cidadã e consolidação democrática. Tendo em vista isto, esta tese tem como objetivo responder as seguintes perguntas de pesquisa: Qual é a visão das Organizações Regionais acerca da relação entre consolidação de democracia e segurança cidadã na região latino-americana? E, qual tem sido o papel das ORs, com algum nível institucional formalizado de cooperação em segurança cidadã, na consolidação democrática na América Latina? É uma pesquisa de viés qualitativo baseada em dois estudos de caso: o Sistema de Integração Centro-Americano (SICA) e a União das Nações Sul-Americanas (UNASUL) entre os anos de 2008-2018, período no qual ambas as ORs tiveram ações focadas (projetos e planos de ação) em segurança cidadã. A metodologia utilizada será de process tracing, como também de comparative process tracing entre as ORs. Os resultados desta tese apontam que ambas as organizações regionais possuem a visão de que ações em cooperação em segurança cidadã podem promover consolidação democrática através do fortalecimento do Estado de direito. Contudo, os atores são céticos sobre as capacidades de suas ORs em terem êxito, uma vez que o papel delas em consolidação democrática, através de cooperação em segurança cidadã, é pontual ou inexistente, sobretudo, pela falta de efetividade das mesmas. A conclusão é que as ORs analisadas produzem muito em termos de documentos, mas fazem pouco em termos de prática para concretizar suas ambições, refletindo as falhas do próprio regionalismo latino-americano. Assim, a falta de vontade política, a falta de capacidade institucional e o déficit recursos (humanos e financeiros) são as grandes barreiras para se ter êxito nas ações de segurança cidadã e, consequentemente, efeitos em fortalecimento do Estado de direito na região. / The Latin American regional organizations (ROs) have been working in a formal manner in citizen security at least for the last 20 years. In different treaties, declarations, action plans, projects, minutes and other documents of the regional organizations, whether in South America whether Central America, it is evident there is an important relation between citizen security and democratic consolidation. In this way, this work aims to answer the followings research questions: What is the vision of the Regional Organizations about the relationship between democratic consolidation and citizen security in Latin America? In addition, what has been the role of the ROs, with some formalized level of cooperation in citizen security, in Latin American democratic consolidation? It is a qualitative bias research based on two case studies: The Central American Integration System and the Union of the South American Nations between the years of 2008-2018, during which time both regional organizations had actions (projects and action plans) focused in citizen security. The methodology utilized will be the process tracing, as well as the comparative process tracing between the ROs. The results show that both organizations have the vision that the actions in citizen security can promote democratic consolidation through the strengthening of the rule of law. However, the actors are skeptical about their ROs\' ability to succeed, since their role in democratic consolidation, through cooperation in citizen security, is punctual or non-existent, mainly because of their lack of effectiveness. The conclusion is that the ROs analyzed produce a lot in terms of documents, but they do little in terms of practice to achieve their ambitions, reflecting the failures of Latin American regionalism itself. Therefore, the lack of political will, the lack of institutional capacity and the deficit in resources (human and financial) are the great barriers to success in citizen security actions and, consequently, effects on strengthening of the rules of law in the region.

Ownership is a guiding principle in today’s development cooperation practices, aiming to foster an efficient development cooperation driven by the recipients. However, ownership is paradoxical and ambiguous. No coherent understanding of ownership exists. The multistakeholder development cooperation arena is argued to complicate the recipients’ possibilities to acquire ownership. As the literature lacks an eastern European perspective, this study addresses the above-mentioned dimensions by examining ownership in Swedish development cooperation with Ukraine. By conducting interviews, this study confirms that there is a confusion among development actors in defining what ownership is. In contrast to previous research, this study finds the multi-stakeholder approach as an advantage of ownership. Collaboration between local actors can contribute to capacity development, joint commitment and stronger responsibility, which increases the probabilities that outcomes of development projects will be governed and progressed by the local actors in the long run. Hence, this study contributes to the literature with a more clarified understanding of ownership. Ownership is perceived as a relational concept that is dynamically promoted over time. This study concludes that commitment, capacity and participation are dimensions that can promote this myriad of local actors involved in development practices to acquire a multi-actor ownership of different dimensions of the development process.

A crescente complexidade de determinados crimes impõe aos órgãos estatais responsáveis pela persecução penal, notadamente a polícia investigativa e o Ministério Público, que busquem novas estratégias para o seu esclarecimento. Desse modo, a inovação técnica e tecnológica deve ser analisada como necessária à adequada investigação criminal. O presente trabalho, buscando equilíbrio entre garantismo e eficiência persecutória, propõe-se a estabelecer parâmetros jurídicos para que tal necessidade de inovação seja, ao mesmo tempo, praticável e razoavelmente limitada, sobretudo pelos direitos humanos e fundamentais. / The increasing complexity of certain crimes requires the state agencies responsible for criminal prosecution, notably investigative police and prosecutors, to seek new pursue strategies. Thus, the technical and technological innovation must be analyzed as necessarily required for proper criminal investigation. In the present work, seeking balance between fundamental law garanties and persecutory efficiency, it is proposed to establish legal parameters for such a need for innovation. At the same time, these parameters shall be feasible and, especially with regard to human and fundamental rights, fairly limited.

Quand, dans le cadre des réformes constitutionnelles après la chute du communisme, le Conseil de l’Europe et la Commission européenne demandent à l’Albanie l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire comme garantie pour un état de droit, pour une gouvernance limitée par le droit, un juge constitutionnel comme défenseur des garanties de ce principe est demandé en même temps. En tant que principes et institutions de l’état de droit, ils se trouveront face à une culture politique qui rend difficile tant leur transposition que leur application dans la réalité albanaise. Les raisons sont à rechercher dans l’influence que la tradition constitutionnelle et l’idéologie communiste exercent encore sur la classe politique et sa culture politique. Elles poussent plutôt vers le contrôle que vers l’indépendance du juge. Dans ces circonstances, il revient au juge constitutionnel d’être actif dans le jeu de la séparation et de l’équilibre des pouvoirs et dans l’identification et la formalisation d’un judiciaire indépendant. En même temps et aussi souvent que nécessaire, il devra défendre directement les garanties constitutionnelles de cette indépendance en fonction de sa propre indépendance. / When, as part of the constitutional reforms, after the fall of the communism, the Council of Europe and the European Commission require from Albania the independence of the judiciary, as a guarantee for the rule of law, a constitutional court, as a defender of the guarantees of this principle, is demanded simultaneously. Nevertheless, during the years of the democratic transition, these principles and institutions of the rule of law will be confronted with a political culture that makes difficult both their transposition and their implementation in the Albanian reality. The reasons lie in the influence that the constitutional tradition and the communist ideology still exert on the political class and its political culture. They grow towards the control rather than the independence of the judiciary. In these circumstances, it is up to the constitutional court to be active in the game of separation and balance of powers and in the identification and formalization of an independent judiciary. At the same time and as often as necessary, it will directly defend the constitutional guarantees of independence and will do so according to its own independence.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:24:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Lya Ferraz da Gama Ferreira.pdf: 614155 bytes, checksum: b80ae01a44d9580b9c838aadbe667310 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / This thesis has as its primary purpose the study about tax criminal legal norm, its incidence, structure and appliance. It is seeking an interdisciplinary study about the theme through the evaluation of the Criminal Law standards and Tributary Law, taking off the structure of applicable matrix rules in each one of those branches to, posteriorly, apply it in the study of tax criminal standard predicted in article 1st of Law #8.137/90, that dispose about the tributary crimes. The criminology presents studies about the theme that justify the reason for what criminality related to the white collar crimes is not widespread neither stigmatized in the society. Even before the relevancy of the legal interests protected by the Criminal Law in tributary crimes, there is in the planning an extinctive cause of criminality applied when the defendant discharge from objects of withholding. In those cases, it privileges the collecting interests over the protected legal benefit. Moreover, the appliance of this extinctive cause breaches evidently the principle of equality, because it only benefits the ones with sufficient economic capacity to pay for the extinction of your criminal liability / A presente dissertação, tem como objetivo primordial o estudo sobre a norma jurídica penal tributária, sua incidência, estrutura e aplicação. Busca-se um estudo interdisciplinar do tema, por meio da avaliação das normas de Direito Penal e Direito Tributário, extraindo-se a estrutura da regra matriz aplicável em cada um desses ramos para, posteriormente, aplicá-la no estudo da norma penal tributária prevista no artigo 1º da Lei nº 8.137/90, que dispõe sobre os crimes tributários. A criminologia apresenta estudos sobre o tema que justificam a razão pela qual a criminalidade relacionada aos crimes do colarinho branco não é difundida, tampouco estigmatizada na sociedade. Mesmo diante da relevância dos bens jurídicos tutelados pelo Direito Penal nos crimes tributários, há no ordenamento uma causa extintiva da punibilidade aplicada quando o acusado quita os tributos objeto da sonegação. Nesses casos, privilegia- se o interesse arrecadatório em detrimento do bem jurídico protegido. Ademais, a aplicação dessa causa extintiva viola de forma evidente o princípio da isonomia, pois beneficia tão somente aqueles com capacidade econômica suficiente para pagar pela extinção da sua punibilidade

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:25:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dimitri.pdf: 1406217 bytes, checksum: 2e2c32ed43b2c53fcfb5c0944efea6f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-05-14 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / The Brazilian history does not have an extensive democratic experience. Still, in 10/05/1998, the Country has enacted a Constitution which conveys a clear improvement towards the democracy, in our country. It has adopted, for the first time in history, the semi-democratic type of government as a source of state legitimacy. In that sense, the Constitution appoints the democratic ways by which the population will reach a decision. This essay will discuss if the participatory model adopted by the Brazilian Constitution is comprehensive; that is to say, if it conveys all the means by which the State obtains legitimacy. Moreover, it will discuss if it is necessary to create new instruments of popular participation and, also, how could the instruments already existing be implemented, in order to enhance and propitiate the establishment of a public space, in which all the democratic agents would be able to express their voices. In order to accomplish such task, it will be necessary to study the concept of democracy that can, effectively, implement the substantive ideal of Democratic Rule of Law. Moreover, different conceptions of democracy will be studied so that the peculiar constituents of the semi-direct democracy can be thoroughly analyzed. In this process, the statute concerning the subject will be also studied. At the end, the essay will suggest new instruments by which the popular participation can be improved. The result of all this questionings was due to the acknowledgment that the extension of de public space that can include citizens in the decisionmaking process is a necessary condition for the enhancement of the Democratic Rule of Law / A história republicana brasileira não possui larga experiência democrática. Ainda assim, em 5 de outubro de 1988 foi promulgada a Constituição da República Federativa que representa substancial avanço da democracia em nosso país. Adotou-se, pela primeira vez, o modelo semidireto de governo como fonte da legitimidade estatal. Neste sentido, a Carta Magna elenca os instrumentos pelos quais a população deverá constituir as deliberações públicas. Este trabalho discutirá se o modelo de participação adotado pelo ordenamento constitucional brasileiro esgota as bases da legitimidade democrática estatal. Abordará, ademais, a necessidade de criação de instrumentos de participação popular, bem como a urgente adoção na prática dos já existentes, propiciando, enfim, o estabelecimento de um espaço público capaz de incorporar a participação de todos os sujeitos democráticos. Para tanto, será analisado o conceito de democracia que melhor realize o ideal material do Estado Democrático de Direito. Também serão estudados os demais modelos de democracia, de forma a permitir uma abordagem dos elementos constitutivos da democracia semidireta brasileira. Neste processo, será analisada a legislação que regulamenta o seu exercício. Por fim, serão apresentados novos instrumentos de participação popular. O resultado de todas as inquietações foi a constatação de que a ampliação do espaço público, possibilitando a incorporação dos cidadãos e cidadãs no exercício das deliberações estatais, é condição indispensável para que se possa avançar no Estado Democrático de Direito