Le respect et l’application effective, voire même efficace du constitutionnalisme et de la démocratie en Afrique en générale et particulièrement en Afrique noire francophone ont toujours été des difficultés auxquelles les constitutionnalistes et hommes politiques de ce continent demeurent confrontés. En effet, le constitutionnalisme en Afrique noire francophone n’a pas toujours coïncidé avec la vague mondiale de démocratisation qui a suivi la chute du mur de Berlin. Toutefois, c’est à partir de 1990 que le mouvement va se généraliser. En effet, après l’accession à l’indépendance des anciennes colonies françaises, la culture politique et juridique des nouveaux dirigeants africains étant française, tout concourt à expliquer que les premières Constitutions africaines furent à quelques variantes près un décalque de la Constitution française du 4 octobre 1958. Très tôt, ces Constitutions furent mises en sommeil, quand les gouvernements civils ne sont pas tout simplement renversés par des coups d’États. Aussi, le parti unique s’est finalement imposé partout, y compris dans les pays qui comme la Côte d’Ivoire, avaient gardé le principe du pluralisme politique dans leur Constitution. Avec les nouvelles Constitutions, les régimes politiques se sont diversifiés et certains d’entre eux se sont éloignés du modèle français de 1958. Désormais, le nouveau constitutionnalisme africain s’incarne dans un double mouvement indissociable l’un de l’autre. Il s’agit d’une part de l’irruption du constitutionnalisme dans le débat démocratique et d’autre part de la consécration de la justice constitutionnelle. En somme, les résultats qui découlent des analyses démontrent que sur le terrain, le constitutionnalisme n’a pas produit et atteint les résultats escomptés en termes de démocratie, de bonne gouvernance, de respect et de sauvegarde des droits fondamentaux. Il faut tout de même reconnaître des succès qui se matérialisent par des acquis ponctuels, pour ne pas tomber dans une sorte de procès fait au constitutionnalisme et à la démocratie en Afrique. / It has always been a challenge for constitutionalists and politicians of the African continent to enforce and implement constitutionalism and democracy effectively, and even efficiently, in Africa as a whole, and more particularly in Francophone black Africa. Indeed, constitutionalism in Francophone black Africa has not always coincided with the global wave of democratization that took place after the collapse of the Berlin wall. As a matter of fact, when the former French colonies became independent, new African leaders’ political and legal culture remained French-oriented, and that was the reason why the new African Constitutions were more or less similar to the October 4th 1958 French Constitution. Very soon, these Constitutions ended up not being implemented and some civil governments were overthrown by military coups. A single party eventually imposed itself everywhere, even in countries such as Ivory Coast where the principle of political pluralism was written in the Constitution. However, a wave of democratization started to widespread in the 1990s. Political regimes diversified with the new Constitutions, and some of these Constitutions veered from the 1958 French model. From now on, the new African Constitutionalism is embodied by two inseparable trends. On the one hand, constitutionalism has forced its way into the democratic debate. On the other hand, constitutional justice has been recognized. In short, my analyses have proven that on the ground, constitutionalism has not produced and reached the expected goals in terms of democracy, good governance, respect, and safeguarding of fundamental rights. One must nonetheless acknowledge some of the achievements in order to avoid turning this into a trial against constitutionalism and democracy in Africa.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FabioWAA.pdf: 340399 bytes, checksum: aa4fd5e4243a53d1e6d0c02bb6c58c17 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-05 / The domination of the violence for the Rule of law awakened a tension between the practice of the punitive power and the right to counsel. However, throughout the recent history of the Criminal law, this shock of forces has been determined for the punitive power. In this perspective, the present work intends to submit the guarantee of defense to a critical judgment, in search to conciliate its content to the Constitutional State of Right. For in such a way, it will be necessary to recognize the disequilibrium of the situation, but without considering the superiority of any of these elements. The State in such a way must fulfill the function to punish the culprits as to acquit the innocents. Despite the law is far from obtaining a harmonious speech, it is necessary that the defense guarantee coexists the punitive power as part of an only public interest, which is, to make criminal justice. In such a way, the existence of a sustainable balance between the punitive power and the guarantee of defense depend on the minimum interference of Criminal law and, also, of the judicial position in the concrete case. The present work faces, therefore, the moment of crisis of the Criminal law, consolidated with the advent of a new way of thinking according to the procedural guarantees, that will demand the overcoming of the old concepts. The Constitutional State of Right not only constitutes an efectiveness of the regime of the right to counsel, but in a similar way it searchs to accomplish the right of action and criminal justice as a whole. Knowing that the philosophy of the language raises doubts on the certainty, the truth and the judgement, it is imposed to understand that the defense guarantee is no more about a simple idea, but, in the crooked ways of the communication, we intend to find what the judge s function is when he faces this new reality / A domina??o da viol?ncia pelo Estado de Direito despertou uma tens?o entre o exerc?cio do poder punitivo e a garantia de defesa. No entanto, ao longo da hist?ria recente do Direito Penal, este embate de for?as tem sido decidido em favor do poder punitivo. Nessa perspectiva, o presente trabalho pretende submeter a garantia de defesa a um ju?zo cr?tico, em busca de ajustar o seu conte?do ao paradigma do Estado Constitucional de Direito. Para tanto, ser? preciso reconhecer o desequil?brio da situa??o, mas sem propor a preponder?ncia de nenhum destes elementos. O Estado tanto deve cumprir a fun??o de punir os culpados como a de absolver os inocentes. Ainda que a lei esteja longe de se harmonizar a este discurso, notadamente porque a realidade suscita indicar que se cumpre muito mais a fun??o de punir pobres e inimigos, ? preciso que a garantia de defesa conviva com o poder punitivo como parte de um ?nico interesse p?blico, qual seja, o de fazer justi?a penal. Desta forma, a exist?ncia de um equil?brio sustent?vel entre o poder punitivo e a garantia de defesa depende da interven??o penal m?nima e, por outro lado, da postura judicial no caso concreto, cabendo ent?o que se revise a fun??o de defesa social proposta para o Direito Penal. A disserta??o enfrenta, portanto, o momento de crise do Direito Penal, consubstanciado a partir do advento de uma nova forma de pensar um pensar garantista , cuja aceita??o, em larga escala, exige que se deixem para tr?s muitos dos velhos conceitos, ainda que estejam estes velhos conceitos sendo apresentados como novidade. O Estado Constitucional de Direito n?o somente constitui um regime de efetiva??o do direito de defesa, mas, do mesmo modo, busca efetivar o direito de a??o, como tamb?m a presta??o jurisdicional e o processo como um todo. E, ainda sabendo que a filosofia da linguagem levanta d?vidas sobre a certeza, a verdade e o julgar, imp?e-se entender que a garantia de defesa n?o ? mais uma id?ia simples, mas, nos caminhos tortuosos da comunica??o, pretende-se encontrar qual o papel do juiz diante desta nova realidade que se descerra

Este trabalho tem o objetivo de explorar e investigar o papel desempenhado pelo gênero e pela sexualidade (mais especificamente a orientação sexual e sua aptidão para gerar arranjos íntimos, conjugais e familiares), na formulação de demandas a serem enfrentadas pelo sistema jurídico por meio de novas configurações ou de interpretações dos direitos humanos e fundamentais, possibilitando uma penetração do espaço público por elementos próprios da esfera da intimidade. Isto ocorre por meio de interferências recíprocas balizadas pela gramática constitucional dos direitos humanos e fundamentais, pelas quais se redimensiona a sua formulação e aplicação pelos atores sociais, ao mesmo tempo em que estes invocam sua linguagem inclusiva e igualitária na busca de reconhecimento, inclusão e participação, objetivos que realizam a ideia de reciprocidade contida no Estado de Direito formal, a igualdade de gênero e de orientação sexual torna-se mais do que um ideal regulatório, indo além para tornar-se uma concepção de justiça ela própria, informada também por uma dimensão substantiva de Estado de Direito relacionada ao paradigma democrático, ainda que os direitos que realizam tal ideal de justiça devam ser concretizados judicialmente em diferentes graus, a partir das funções dos direitos e com vistas a compatibilizar universalidade e singularidade e permitindo os canais de comunicação para a veiculação das pretensões da minoria à luz do diálogo com a maioria. / This work aims to explore and investigate the role of gender and sexuality (more specifically sexual orientation and its ability to generate intimate arrangements, marital and family), in the formulation of demands to be addressed by the legal system through new settings or interpretations of civil and human rights, allowing penetration of public spaces by elements of the sphere of intimacy. This occurs through reciprocal interference buoyed by the legal grammar of constitutional and human rights, in which resizes its formulation and implementation by social actors, while they call their inclusive and egalitarian language in search of recognition, inclusion and participation, which aims to realize the idea of reciprocity contained in the formal rule of law. Therefore, gender equality and sexual orientation become more than a regulatory ideal, they go beyond to become a conception of justice itself, informed also by a substantive dimension of rule of law related to the democratic paradigm, although the rights to perform this ideal of justice should be implemented legally in varying degrees, from the functions and duties in order to reconcile universality and uniqueness and allowing communication channels to the placement of the claims of the minority in the light of dialogue with the majority.

The author makes an inquiry into the evolution of the State as a product of what is known as the Modern State. The study focuses on the historical and legal aspects of the concept of the Rule of Law as a product of the Modern State, in order to analyze the construction and institutionalization of a system of asset liability of the State. / El autor realiza una indagación de la evolución del Estado como un producto de lo que se conoce como Estado Moderno. El estudio se centra en los ámbitos histórico y jurídico del concepto de Estado de Derecho como producto del Estado Moderno, para analizar la construcción e institucionalización de un sistema de responsabilidad patrimonial del Estado

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2018-01-02T18:24:38Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vitor Umbelino Soares Junior - 2017.pdf: 2016847 bytes, checksum: e3957da18e2a0085c1ee1ce8fc1cc20b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2018-01-08T10:38:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vitor Umbelino Soares Junior - 2017.pdf: 2016847 bytes, checksum: e3957da18e2a0085c1ee1ce8fc1cc20b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-01-08T10:38:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Vitor Umbelino Soares Junior - 2017.pdf: 2016847 bytes, checksum: e3957da18e2a0085c1ee1ce8fc1cc20b (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-14 / Understanding how it is possible to build and consolidate a rule of law after the transition from an authoritarian regime to a democratic regime and how the law and politics act in this transitional process through their interrelationships, constitute. Fundamental objectives around which the reflections inserted in the present dissertation will be presented. The aim is to demonstrate how the constant struggle to submit political power to the law and to the exercise of accountability, albeit late, is related to the implementation of transitional justice mechanisms and the establishment of a constitutional democracy. At the outset, it seeks to point out the main foundations that, in modern terms, delimit a theory regarding transitional justice, with emphasis on the processing and accountability of public agents for the serious violations of human rights practiced within the previous regime and as the omission state can result in the formation of an authoritarian estate that can not be reached by the legal predictability that defines the fundamental bases of a rule of law. On the other hand, it seeks to situate the model of political transition adopted by Brazil in this context, and how the authoritarian legality of the civil-military regime projected its effectiveness on the adoption of a formal and external conception of the rule of law, manifested not only in a Law of amnesty as the fruit of an alleged "political pact" between government and civil society, but also in truths established unilaterally by official consensus and discourse. In this scenario, it will be possible to observe how the institutions that collaborated directly or indirectly to sustain the antidemocratic regime for almost two decades and that did not undergo a process of debugging and reforms under the aegis of the new regime act for the accomplishment of a democracy with low normative density with regard to the protection, affirmation and promotion of human rights. / Entender como é possível a construção e a consolidação de um Estado de Direito após a transição de um regime autoritário para um regime democrático e de que modo o direito e a política atuam nesse processo transicional por meio de suas inter-relações, constituem-se em objetivos fundamentais em torno dos quais as reflexões insertas na presente dissertação serão apresentadas. Pretende-se demonstrar como a constante luta para submeter o poder político ao direito e ao exercício da prestação de contas ainda que tardia está relacionada com a efetivação dos mecanismos da justiça de transição e com o estabelecimento de uma democracia constitucional. De início, procura-se apontar os principais fundamentos que, modernamente, delimitam uma teoria a respeito da justiça de transição, com destaque para o processamento e responsabilização dos agentes públicos pelas graves violações de direitos humanos praticadas no seio do regime anterior e como a omissão estatal pode resultar na formação de um espólio autoritário não alcançável pela previsibilidade jurídica definidora das bases fundamentais de um Estado de Direito. Por outro lado, procura-se situar o modelo de transição política adotado pelo Brasil nesse contexto, e como a legalidade autoritária do regime civil-militar projetou sua eficácia sobre a adoção de uma concepção formal e estereotipada de Estado de Direito, manifestada não só numa lei de anistia como fruto de um suposto “pacto político” entre governo e sociedade civil, mas também em verdades estabelecidas unilateralmente por consensos e discursos oficiais. Nesse cenário, será possível observar como as instituições que colaboraram direta ou indiretamente para a sustentação do regime antidemocrático por quase duas décadas e que não passaram por um processo de depuração e reformas sob a égide do novo regime atuam para a concretização de uma democracia com baixa densidade normativa no que diz respeito à tutela, afirmação e promoção dos direitos humanos.

A presente pesquisa partiu da constatação de que as transformações pelas quais passa o mundo geram conseqüências em todos os ramos do conhecimento. O estudo foca as mudanças econômicas, filosóficas, sociais e políticas e seus efeitos na prestação da tutela jurisdicional, notadamente no que se refere aos direitos trabalhistas. Assim, inicia demonstrando os contornos do Estado liberal de direito, passa pelo Estado social e chega à crise desse Estado de bem-estar social. A principal apreensão feita em cada capítulo se refere ao modo como o juiz desempenhou suas funções na efetivação dos direitos trabalhistas, para compreender seu papel no Estado da atualidade. A partir da década de 1970 inicia-se a referida crise do modelo de Estado social. Isso ocorre em razão da intensificação do liberalismo, agora neoliberalismo, pela reestruturação produtiva pela qual os países passam, pela globalização e pela formação de uma sociedade de massas. Além disso, tem início um franco processo de tentativa de desregulamentação e flexibilização dos direitos trabalhistas, bem como de diminuição da importância do Estado. Por tais razões, buscamos defender a importância de o magistrado conhecer a realidade em que atua, a fim de entendê-la e inserir-se no contexto de vida dos jurisdicionados. Dessa forma, cremos que será possível maior amplitude de efetivação dos direitos trabalhistas. Os instrumentos utilizados pelo juiz são encontrados dentro do próprio ordenamento jurídico e são justificados pela adequada e profunda fundamentação das decisões. De fato, buscamos mostrar que o juiz pode utilizar-se de mecanismos simples disponibilizados pelo próprio sistema jurídico, ou advindos da criatividade jurídica, para realizar sua função social. Interpretar e aplicar o direito de forma vinculada ao contexto histórico no qual se inserem as partes da demanda. Com esta finalidade é que a tese caminha por essa evolução da filosofia, da sociedade, da política, da economia, da ciência do direito e da própria aplicação do direito ao caso concreto. Enfim, pretende-se demonstrar que a qualidade da prestação jurisdicional e o nível de efetivação dos direitos trabalhistas em tempos de crise do Estado estão intimamente ligados à qualificação ética, intelectual e humana dos juízes, que devem adotar uma posição ativa no desempenho de suas funções. Ativo, porém, no sentido de o juiz estar preparado para extrair do ordenamento jurídico o que é juridicamente válido para fundamentar suas decisões e efetivar os direitos trabalhistas. / This survey came out of the realization that the changes the world undergoes affect all areas of knowledge. The paper concentrates on economical, philosophical, social and political changes and their effects in the temporary relief, specifically in relation to the labor laws. Thus, it starts displaying the outline of the liberal rule of law; it goes through the social State and gets to the crisis of this social welfare State. The major concern in each section regards the way the justice performed his functions in bringing about the labor rights, as a means of understanding his role in the State today. As of the 1970s, the aforementioned crisis of the social State model is formed. This is due to the enhancement of liberalism, currently referred to as neo-liberalism, to the productive restructuring that has affected most countries, to the globalization and the formation of a mass society. Aside from that, one can perceive the birth of a clear process that aims at experiencing deregulation and flexibility of labor laws and the loss of importance of the State. Therefore, we aim at defending how important it is for the Justice to be familiar with the reality on which his work is grounded, so he can understand it and include it in the context of the partys life. Therefore, we believe that it will be possible to reach broader effectiveness of the labor rights. The legal tools used by justices will be found within the legal system itself and find grounds on the appropriate and profound basis of decisions. In fact, we aim at showing that the justice can make use of simple mechanisms that are available within the legal system itself, or of those derived from the legal creativity, to accomplish his social role. To interpret and use the right linked with the historical context containing parts of the demand. Aiming at this purpose, the thesis moves through this evolution of the philosophy, society, politics, economics, legal science and of the own application of the Law to the concrete case. At last, we intend to show that the quality of the legal service and the level of effectiveness of the labor rights during State crisis are closely connected to the ethical, intellectual and human qualification of the justices who should chose to adopt an active position on the development of their functions. We say active, however, in the sense that the justice should be prepared to extract from the legal disposition, which is legally enforceable to ground his decisions and to effect the labor laws.

Abstract: The purpose of this study is to examine what actually makes Russia an incomplete democracy, despite of all the formal democratic institutions and legal democratic rights. The research method used for this essay has been qualitative case study, which strives to answer two research questions: Which democratic principles are not respected in Russia? How does the executive power control the political arena? The theoretical framework used for this study consists of a model based on Dahls Polyarchy theory and the Rule of Law concept. The conclusions points out that very little have formally changed in Russia regarding democratic rights and the constitution. The democratic decline is due to political manoeuvres and undue political influence. There is no proper division of power and the executive powers are not controlled by a system of checks and balances. All democratic principles studied within the analytical framework are manipulated and formal rights are no longer respected by authorities and the executive power.

Loin de correspondre parfaitement à l’idéal de la démocratie directe, qui suppose l’absence même de toute forme de représentation politique, le référendum constitue, sous des formes très diverses et donc à des degrés très différents, l’institution susceptible de correspondre au mieux à cet idéal en ce qu’il permet « l’expression directe de la souveraineté nationale », c'est-à-dire la volonté souveraine du peuple. Dans cette mesure, la pratique référendaire devrait logiquement se développer dans tous les États modernes qui se targuent d’être des démocraties. C’est effectivement la tendance générale observée dans le monde, mais pas en France. Paradoxalement, la Ve République connaît la tendance inverse : le recours au référendum est devenu très rare au niveau national et demeure marginal au niveau local. Comprendre la désuétude actuelle du référendum implique dans un premier temps de rechercher comment il a été conçu et pratiqué par le général de Gaulle, d’abord en 1945, puis à partir de 1958, ainsi que l’évolution du rôle et de la popularité de l’autorité – le Président de la République – qui en détient l’initiative. De nombreuses réformes ont été proposées pour impulser une nouvelle pratique référendaire au niveau national et local. Cependant, aucune de celles qui ont abouti n’y est parvenue jusqu’à présent, faute d’une réflexion préalable suffisante sur les fonctions que le référendum peut assurer désormais. En effet, dans leur grande majorité, les représentants considèrent le référendum comme un « remède » à la « crise de la démocratie représentative » sans avoir véritablement identifié ses causes, ni défini exactement le rôle du référendum dans ce contexte. En outre, un élément nouveau doit nécessairement être pris en compte : l’essor de la justice constitutionnelle. Le contrôle juridictionnel des référendums est ainsi l’une des questions les plus délicates que pose le renouveau éventuel de sa pratique. En définitive, cette étude entend déterminer quelles sont les perspectives d’avenir du référendum et quelles fonctions celui-ci peut encore assurer en France. Carré de Malberg préconisait en 1931 d’introduire le référendum d'initiative populaire, tant au niveau législatif qu’au niveau constitutionnel, afin d’éviter que la souveraineté populaire ne dévie en souveraineté parlementaire. Plus récemment, il a également été proposé que l'initiative populaire soit limitée à un référendum consultatif. Cette procédure constituerait alors une forme de contre-pouvoir populaire permettant d’influer sur l’action des représentants en-dehors des seules échéances électorales. Une telle procédure a été introduite en 2015 au Pays-Bas et a permis aux électeurs d’émettre, l’année suivante, un avis défavorable sur l’accord d’association entre l’Ukraine et l’Union européenne. / This Thesis deals with referendum and explains why it has become very scarce in France. The study begins with the analysis of the use made by Charles De Gaulle, in 1945, then between 1958 and 1969. During this second period, the referendum had two main purposes : it was the way to increase the power of the President, and also the best process to legitimate this power by the popular responsibility of the President (by the « question of trust »). The current distrust of the citizens towards their governants explains why the other Presidents after 1969 used very cautiously the referendum, because of the increasing risk to incur the « boomerang effect ». Many reforms tried to solve the « crisis of the representative democracy» by new possibilities of referendum, but this phenomenon is actually very hard to describe and it can't be known if referendum is the solution or an additional risk towards the stability of institutions. The current role of the constitutional judge must also be taken into account. Thus, the judicial review of referendum is one of the most delicate questions raised by the possible renewal of its use. At the end of this study, the question that remains is how can the referendum serve democracy and French institutions. In 1931, Carré de Malberg wished to introduce the popular initiative referendum (or « popular veto »), but we can also imagine the referendum as an institution of the « French checks and balances », as the way for citizens to express their wishes even if their governants disagree. For instance, this kind of procedure already exists in Netherlands since 2015, and by using it, citizens disapproved the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union in 2016.

Migrationsverket har det övergripande ansvaret över samtliga som söker asyl och att ta beslut kring vem som får uppehållstillstånd och inte. Denna studie har till syfte att undersöka utredningsprocessen för ensamkommande flyktingbarn ur Migrationsverkets personals perspektiv samt hur de tillämpar ett barnperspektiv i deras arbete och säkerställer ett rättssäkert arbetssätt. Som metod för detta har författarna valt att genomföra fem kvalitativa intervjuer med handläggare och beslutsfattare på Migrationsverket. Studien grundar sig främst på två teoretiska begrepp, barnperspektiv samt rättssäkerhet, för att kunna fördjupa sig i hur Migrationsverket arbetar. Studiens slutsats visar att den som söker asyl har till uppgift att göra sin identitet sannolik och en viktig del är det utredningssamtal som genomförs och som ligger till grund för utredningen. Studien visar även att Migrationsverkets personal har ett enhetligt arbetssätt kring rättssäkerhet och samtliga beslut som de tar är grundade i lagtexter. Arbetet med barnperspektivet handlar enligt Migrationsverkets personal att ha ett individanpassat arbetssätt genom att ta hänsyn till sökandes ålder, bakgrund och mognad. / The Swedish Migration Agency carry out the decision of who is going to get a residence permit. This study has the purpose to examine how the Migration Agency investigation procedure is, furthermore how they take in account for a child's perspective and legal certainty. Method for this has been qualitative interviews with administration officers and decision makers at the Migration Agency. This study lays its ground mainly on two constructs: Childs perspective and legal certainty for the purpose to immerse in the Migration Agency work. This study concludes that the one who seeks asylum has to make its identity probable and an important part of this is the interview of the unaccompanied child by case workers at the Migration Agency. This study also concludes that the case workers at the Migration Agency have a mutual view of the rule of law and that all actions are grounded in words of the act. To work with a child perspective is according to the Migration Agency to use an individual approach to all unaccompanied children and this is made by considering the applicant age, gender, background and maturity.

The objective of this Master's thesis is to analyse the term of "rule of law" and its Chinese variations (fazhi 法治 , fazhi 法制 , yifazhiguo 依法治国 ) since establishment of the People's Republic of China until present, with the emphasis on contemporary understanding of the concept, affected by political environment. The concept of the rule of law is presented throughout analysis of collected works of influential political leaders, namely Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Xi Jinping, reflected in official documents crucial to the legal system, such as the Constitution. Each historical period represents a different stance on the conception of rule of law and position of legal system, which results in analysis of current situation with a prospective future attitude to this issue. Keywords: rule of law, constitutional rule, Communist Party of China, China