This article discusses ambiguous tactics of German Communist resisters in the Third Reich. The official historiography of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) portrayed Communist resisters as unfaltering heroes. By contrast, revisionist studies published after 1990 presented Communists as traitors and renegades. This study transcends these approaches that revolve around legitimation or de-legitimation of the dictatorship, and examines the dubious manoeuvring of three German Communists who strategically collaborated with the Nazis, namely Theodor Bottländer, Friedrich Schlotterbeck and Wilhelm Knöchel. While Knöchel’s attempts to outwit the Gestapo failed and could not prevent his execution, Schlotterbeck and Bottl€ander found ways to survive - largely without betraying their comrades. Even so, the Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (KPD), as well as its successor in the GDR, the Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (SED), reprimanded venturesome, inventive and obstinate Communists, excluded them from the party and brought them to court. The harsh reactions are indicative of the inability of Communist historiography to acknowledge ‘Eigen-Sinn’, and highlight a central shortcoming of the antifascist doctrine. Likewise, more recent revisionist approaches have failed to recognise various attempts of Communists to minimise harm and survive in the grey zone between betrayal and loyalty.

This thesis investigates the relationship between Hindemith’s music theory and his evolving compositional practice. It focuses on the first volume of his Unterweisung im Tonsatz (1937); both evaluating the very identity of the treatise and analysing how it may be applied to free composition. Above all, this work highlights the increased use of quartal pitch collections found in Hindemith’s Unterweisung-based compositions. Archival documents from the universities of Yale, Berlin, Buffalo, and the Frankfurt Hindemith Institute augment this process, and are used to revise our understanding of how Hindemith’s music theory originated, and how it relates to his practice and teaching. The dissertation begins by exploring the theoretical and intellectual climate of the Rundfunkversuchsstelle at the Berlin Hochschule für Musik within a critical commentary of Hindemith’s music theory. It then develops a new theoretical perspective of quartal pitch space, and atonal prolongation, to provide an analytical toolkit. The list of compositions in the Unterweisung appendix, which Hindemith felt most successfully demonstrated his theory in practice, structures the next three chapters. The Sonata for Solo Viola op. 25/1, a pre-Unterweisung composition, is followed by the Ludus Tonalis, which was published soon afterwards, which is investigated for its explicit theoretical connections. The third analytical chapter focuses on the Das Marienleben cycle as a work written before the Unterweisung, and subsequently revised with theoretical concerns. The final two chapters investigate the prominent decline in popularity experienced by Hindemith, both regarding his theory and compositions, from the 1950s. This is epitomised by a number of strongly-worded polemics published in The Music Review, much of which, it may be argued, is inaccurate or unduly critical. The thesis ends by constructing a Hindemith legacy based on a selection of archival documents and scores, together with a selection of trends in composition and music theory.

Le but de ce mémoire est de poser un regard comparatiste sur les conséquences éventuelles de la politique eugénique totalitaire du Troisième Reich, et ce, dans l’optique où ce régime aurait eu la chance de poursuivre ses ambitions à ce niveau. En portant respectivement notre attention sur la structure organisationnelle du NSDAP, de l’État et de l’autorité, sur les étapes spécifiques de l’établissement du totalitarisme hitlérien, sur les diverses techniques de propagande et d’endoctrinement utilisées par les nazis pour accomplir l’unification du peuple allemand, ainsi que sur l’application pratique et le discours relatif à la politique eugénique dans le Reich et sur les territoires occupés, nous comprendrons que le mouvement propre au totalitarisme hitlérien, en changeant constamment sa définition respective de l’« élite » et de l’être « dépravé », n’aurait jamais mis fin à la purge raciale de la population sous son joug. Par conséquent, la place de l’« allemand moyen » aurait été quasi inexistante. Le Troisième Reich, par élimination et élevage social constant, aurait donc créé un « homme nouveau », basé sur l’idéologie arbitraire et instable du régime et pigé dans les peuples occupés à divers degré. Au bout de plusieurs générations, cet être nouveau aurait constitué le « noyau racial » de la population d’une nouvelle Europe aryanisée, construite sur le cadavre de la plus grande partie des anciens peuples du continent, incluant le peuple allemand. / The aim of this memoir is to examine and compare what could have been the consequences of the Third Reich’s totalitarian eugenics, considering the context in which this regime had the opportunity to fulfill its political ambitions. In fact, the NSDAP, the state and the authority’s structure; the various steps that led to the establishment of the Hitlerian totalitarian regime; the numerous propaganda and indoctrination exercises taken on Nazis in order to achieve the german unification; the practical purposes as well as the eugenics related discourse within the Reich and all of the occupied territories, are some of the most important aspects explaining the evolution of the Hitlerian totalitarian movement. These factors clearly demonstrate why a movement that is constantly changing its opinion about the elites and the reprobates could never have put to an end the racial purge that was in place at that time. Consequently, the ordinary German citizen would have been practically nonexistent. The Third Reich would therefore have created a new type of people through elimination and by continuously manipulating the notion of class and social ranking. The nazi conception of power, the state, race, and national unity was based on an arbitrary and erratic ideology that was, to a certain extent, acquired from the invaded people. A great many generations later, this new human being would have represented the main ethnic group of the newly formed Aryan population, a nation built upon the dead bodies of the majority of the ancient people living on the European continent, including the German.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

This study examines the interconnection between the ideas and political activities of Reinhard Hoehn during the Weimar and Nazi Eras. In particular, Hoehn's political writings, which are closely analyzed, indicate a continuing commitment to the ideals of the Conservative Revolution through his changes in political affiliations. It serves as a case study of the much debated relationship between the Conservative Revolution and Nazism.While developing as a radical right-wing Weimar intellectual, Hoehn joined a succession of Revolutionary Conservative Kampfbuende. His political writings and affiliations showed a commitment to the destruction of liberal conceptions in politics, sociology, and legal theory. His ultimate objective was the establishment of Volksgemeinschaft in Germany. When by 1931 his hopes for achieving these goals through the conservative Jungdeutche Orden ended, he began working for the SS.During the Third Reich, Hoehn eventually served as a legal advisor to Heinrich Himmler and as a head of Zentralabteilung II/2 of the Sicherheitsdienst (SS Security Service), which investigated "German Spheres of Life." He also wrote considerably during the Third Reich on both German law and international relations. His theories revealed a preoccupation with eliminating from law the concept of sovereignty and individualism as continuing vestiges of absolutism and liberalism. This belief led Hoehn to attempt to eliminate the 'individual personalities' of both the state and the Nazi Party. He thus deviated from Nazi ideologues and leaders on these significant matters, while he made compromises with the SS on issues of race and Himmler's political interests. However, an examination of Hoehn's writings and activities in Weimar and the Third Reich shows a dedication to an idealism that was in part distinct from Nazi orthodoxy, as well as a political realism in the sense that he knew his ideals were futile without the political backing of the SS.

Diploma thesis "Perception of Czechoslovakian cinematography by German film periodicals between 1933 - 1945" deals with the Czech film industry as it was received by German specialized press with an emphasis on the recognition of changes, that took place after the formation of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The period is divided into two stages. The first, 1933 to March 15, 1939 and the second, March 16, 1939 to May 1945, when the end of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia was proclaimed. Historical events determined the path of Czech cinematography and later protectoral cinematography (Slovak cinematography was not developed at the time). These events are specified in the thesis as well as the Czech film industry in terms of local and foreign production, distribution, film - makers and organizations. A lot of news from Czech lands was published in the German press due to close connections between Czech and German cinematography which was only further interconnected after the formation of the Protectorate. The analytical portion comprises a historical comparison of texts from daily Der Film - Kurier, weekly Der Film and monthly Der deutsche Film. The articles are divided according to their topics and compared with each other in concurrent periods. The character and impletion was changed by...

This thesis deals with lexical elements of National Socialist language and its aim is to study their lexicographic treatment. The theoretical part first of all sketches the elementary historical connection among language, lexicography and the political regime and it explains the effect of the politics on language through three historical examples, among which the language of the Third Reich is the most important one. As far as the language of the Third Reich is concerned, the attitudes of the NSDAP to language and language maintenance are further explained. The theoretical part is concluded by characterization and overview of the most important lexicographic projects which were implemented during the National Socialism. The practical part focuses on the contemporary lexicographic treatment of certain chosen lexemes which were mostly used during the period of National Socialism. This treatment is mostly based on the comparison of their past and their contemporary meanings and their representation in the contemporary discourse. The various types of discourse are analyzed by the corpus methods developed at the Institute of German Language in Mannheim.

This dissertation aims to introduce propagandistic activity of Nazi Germany and Communist Russia, which fundamentally impacted all areas of people´s lives including human culture, which signifies absolute freedom under normal circumstances. Art production was faced with such immense ideological pressure that the artwork became mere tools of the propagandistic regime. In order to fully comprehend the success of the propaganda, the dissertation focuses mostly on the official art production of both regimes and its insertion into historical and psychological context. The dissertation follows the development of both regimes and their art worlds in order to find their basic characteristics, which in turn serve to show the common principles used by the propaganda that managed to manipulate millions of people all over the world under different ideologies.

Rezension einer Studie von beinahe 1.200 Seiten Text und 300 Seiten bibliographischen und statistischen Anhang. Es werden über 100 Berufungsvorgänge im Fach Philosophie vom Ende des Ersten bis zum Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges aus den Akten dargestellt. Die einigermaßen dröge Materie nötigt den Autor, des öfteren seinen Positivismus hervorzukehren und den Lesern zu versichern, hier würden zentrale historische Wissenslücken geschlossen. Was er von vornherein nicht beansprucht, ist ein Erkenntnisgewinn in philosophischer Hinsicht, es geht um historische Quellenaufbereitung und nicht um eine neue Form der philosophiehistorischen Wahrheit.

Le but de ce mémoire est de poser un regard comparatiste sur les conséquences éventuelles de la politique eugénique totalitaire du Troisième Reich, et ce, dans l’optique où ce régime aurait eu la chance de poursuivre ses ambitions à ce niveau. En portant respectivement notre attention sur la structure organisationnelle du NSDAP, de l’État et de l’autorité, sur les étapes spécifiques de l’établissement du totalitarisme hitlérien, sur les diverses techniques de propagande et d’endoctrinement utilisées par les nazis pour accomplir l’unification du peuple allemand, ainsi que sur l’application pratique et le discours relatif à la politique eugénique dans le Reich et sur les territoires occupés, nous comprendrons que le mouvement propre au totalitarisme hitlérien, en changeant constamment sa définition respective de l’« élite » et de l’être « dépravé », n’aurait jamais mis fin à la purge raciale de la population sous son joug. Par conséquent, la place de l’« allemand moyen » aurait été quasi inexistante. Le Troisième Reich, par élimination et élevage social constant, aurait donc créé un « homme nouveau », basé sur l’idéologie arbitraire et instable du régime et pigé dans les peuples occupés à divers degré. Au bout de plusieurs générations, cet être nouveau aurait constitué le « noyau racial » de la population d’une nouvelle Europe aryanisée, construite sur le cadavre de la plus grande partie des anciens peuples du continent, incluant le peuple allemand. / The aim of this memoir is to examine and compare what could have been the consequences of the Third Reich’s totalitarian eugenics, considering the context in which this regime had the opportunity to fulfill its political ambitions. In fact, the NSDAP, the state and the authority’s structure; the various steps that led to the establishment of the Hitlerian totalitarian regime; the numerous propaganda and indoctrination exercises taken on Nazis in order to achieve the german unification; the practical purposes as well as the eugenics related discourse within the Reich and all of the occupied territories, are some of the most important aspects explaining the evolution of the Hitlerian totalitarian movement. These factors clearly demonstrate why a movement that is constantly changing its opinion about the elites and the reprobates could never have put to an end the racial purge that was in place at that time. Consequently, the ordinary German citizen would have been practically nonexistent. The Third Reich would therefore have created a new type of people through elimination and by continuously manipulating the notion of class and social ranking. The nazi conception of power, the state, race, and national unity was based on an arbitrary and erratic ideology that was, to a certain extent, acquired from the invaded people. A great many generations later, this new human being would have represented the main ethnic group of the newly formed Aryan population, a nation built upon the dead bodies of the majority of the ancient people living on the European continent, including the German.