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Magister Legum - LLM / Sugar, bananas, beef and cotton are some of the few products, which are the primary commodities in many African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP).2 Many are highly vulnerable small islands, landlocked and least developed states,' thus rendering the above-mentioned sectors, of great importance to their economies." In these countries, for instance, the sugar producers often provide housing, health care, education and other benefits.i

Fondée en 1685, la Compagnie de Saint-Gobain est aujourd’hui une très grande firme mondiale. Elle doit à son développement propre, mais aussi à sa fusion avec Pont-à-Mousson. Elle était déjà la première multinationale française au début du XXème siècle. Elle a cherché très tôt l’internationalisation, surtout en direction de l’Europe, s’implantant en Allemagne comme en Italie. Après la deuxième Guerre mondiale, Pont-à-Mousson a pris part à la création de la Communauté économique du charbon et de l’acier (CECA). Cette dernière est considérée comme la première institution conduisant à l’unité européenne, notamment à une Europe économique. Pour les deux entreprises définies chacune comme un centre autonome de décision, il s’agit, dans ce livre, d’étudier le processus de la prise de décision économique, à l’intérieur, d’analyser l’environnement extérieur pendant la période de 1945-1970 dans le contexte de la construction européenne. Pour quelle raison Pont-à-Mousson a-t-il participé avec un tel intérêt à la création de la CECA ? Quel rôle les groupes Saint-Gobain et Pont-à-Mousson ont-ils joué dans l’ouverture du marché commun ? Quels ont été la politique et les objectifs des dirigeants politiques ? L’un des intérêts de l’ouvrage consiste à tenter de définir l’évolution des stratégies passées d’une attitude défensive à une attitude offensive, les deux entreprises à s’adapter à l’Europe et acceptant ainsi la transformation progressive de leur modèle de gestion. C’est très largement la contrainte européenne qu’a poussé à leur rapprochement, sans que celui-ci puisse s’expliquer par la seule pression d’un état français interventionniste : les stratégies d’entreprises elle-même ont joué un rôle déterminant. / Founded in 1685, Company of Saint-Gobain is now a very large global firm, which is due to its own development, but also to its merger with Pont-à-Mousson. In the early twentieth century, the Companies were already the leading French multinational. It sought early internationalization, especially to Europe, establishing itself in Germany and Italy. After World War II, Pont-à-Mousson took part in the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). The latter is considered as the first institution leading to European unity, especially in an economic Europe. For both companies, each defined as an autonomous centre of decision, it is this book that aims to study the inside process of economic decision-making and to analyse the external environment during the 1945-1970 in the context of European integration. Why Pont-à-Mousson has involved with such an interest in the creation of the ECSC? Which role did the groups of Saint-Gobain and Pont-à-Mousson play in the opening of the common market? What were the policy and objectives of the political leaders? One of the interests of this book is to try to define the evolution of strategies, from a defensive attitude to an offensive attitude, the two companies adapt to Europe and thus accepting the gradual transformation in their Management model. This is mostly the European constraint that has pushed them closer, rather than under the only pressure pushed by an interventionist French state: strategies of the Company itself played a decisive role.

La Communauté européenne est tombée dans une situation critique. Cette situation s’explique par le fait que les États membres n’harmonisent pas leur système budgétaire, dont le rôle est de satisfaire à l’intérêt commun. Toutefois, les tentatives ne manquent pas. Dès la mise en œuvre du Traité de Rome en janvier 1958, les administrateurs fiscaux de la Commission s’efforcent d’harmoniser les systèmes de taxes sur le chiffre d’affaires entre les États membres afin de créer un véritable espace de libre-échange. La taxe commune sur la valeur ajoutée est ainsi créée en avril 1967, les États membres devant l’adopter au plus tard le 1er janvier 1970. L’application de cet impôt fait alors avancer l’intégration européenne. Le parcours menant à l’élaboration des directives permettant la création de la TVA commune n’est pas simple car les points de vue de la Commission de la Communauté européenne et des États membres autours de la question sur la souveraineté fiscale différent. La Commission veut créer un Marché Commun sans frontière tandis que les États membres, notamment la France, souhaitent mettre en place la neutralité fiscale ainsi qu’un impôt qui sert l’économie, sans pourtant supprimer les frontières. La nouvelle fiscalité, sans proposer une véritable taxe européenne appartenant au budget de la Communauté, a toutefois permis de construire une Europe compétitive. / The European Community has entered a crisis. The cause of this crisis is the fact that the Member States do not harmonise their budgetary systems which would serve the common interest. However, it doesn't mean that there were no past attempts that were made. Since the implementation of the Treaty of Rome in January 1958, the European Commission's tax administrators have tried to harmonise turnover tax systems between Member States in order to create a genuine free trade zone. The common value-added tax was created in April 1967, with the Member States having to implement it by I January 1970 at the latest. The application of this tax would thus advance European integration. The path of formulating directives for the creation of a common VAT is not straightforward. The reason is that the views of the European Commission and those of the Member States are different regarding fiscal sovereignty. The European Commission wants to create a Common Market without borders, while the Member States, notably France, want to implement tax neutrality and also a tax that serves the economy, but without eliminating borders. The new common tax system would enable building a competitive Europe.

Immédiatement après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, sous l’impulsion du Général de Gaulle et de Jean Monnet, le Gouvernement provisoire de la République française décida d’engager dans le système capitaliste français une politique économique à moyen terme désignée par le terme de « planification ». Le Plan, en tant qu’outil d’élaboration et de mise en œuvre de politiques industrielles, dirigea l’industrie française pour qu’elle puisse se développer et s’adapter aux différentes circonstances. Quatre plans furent successivement mis en œuvre dès la Libération jusqu’en 1965 par le Commissariat Général du Plan (CGP) sous la direction successive de trois commissaires généraux du Plan, à savoir Jean Monnet, Etienne Hirsch, Pierre Massé. Dans ce laps de temps furent lancés les plans suivants : Plan Pinay-Rueff, Plan intérimaire, Plan d’adaptation des charbonnages, Plan de stabilisation. Imbriquée de multiples manières à une « expansion industrielle », la planification française réussit à transformer la France rurale en une société industrielle et à faire passer l’industrie française de la situation fermée et protégée à la confrontation de la concurrence internationale. Elle joua aussi un rôle important dans le mode de rapport entre le secteur public et privé et en particulier, le fonctionnement des entreprises nationales. À plus long terme, c’était encore au Plan que revenait le mérite de tracer les lignes d’un harmonieux développement des régions françaises, surtout de l’aménagement du territoire. / Immediately after the Second World War, the Provisional Government of the French Republic, under the leadership of General de Gaulle and Jean Monnet, decided to engage in the French capitalist system a medium-term economic policy designated by the term "planning". The Plan, as a tool for the elaboration and implementation of industrial policies, directed French industry so that it could develop and adapt to different circumstances. Four Plans were successively implemented from the Liberation until 1965 by the General Planning Agency under the successive direction of three commissioners, namely Jean Monnet, Etienne Hirsch, Pierre Massé. Meanwhile, the Rueff-Pinay Stabilization Plan, Interim Plan, Plan d’adaptation des charbonnages, Giscard d’Estaing’s Stabilization Plan were launched. Interwoven in many ways with an "industrial expansion", French planning succeeded in transforming rural France into an industrial society and to shift French industry from the closed and protected situation to the confrontation of international competition. It also played an important role in the relationship between the public and private sectors and, in particular, the functioning of national enterprises. In the longer term, it was again in the Plan that the merit of drawing the lines of a harmonious development of the French regions, especially of the Spatial planning.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:30:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Paula da Rocha e Silva.pdf: 1542612 bytes, checksum: bfae4f7af597ccdf8e68c968a8d0b2b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-11 / The incorporation of the Treaty of Rome, through Decree No. 4388/02, at the Brazilian legal system, represented the acquiescence of Brazilian State to the creation of a permanent International Criminal Court, able to judge the severe crimes with international reach. However, despite the tremendous advance for the protection of human rights, since the incorporation, a situation of conflict has iniciated: the Treaty of Rome has human rights precepts in legal antinomy with fundamental rights precepts established in the 1988 Federal Constitutionº It discusses, so, if the internal sovereignty is placed in check by international sovereignty. In addition, there are doubts about the own conflicts itself: would these conflicts be real or merely apparent? This dissertation wished to resolve the tension between the precepts, which are: prescrition of crimes vs. non-applicability of statute of limitations; nonextradition vs. delivery; imprisonment for a specific number of years versus a tearm of life imprisonment, less onerous way possible / A incorporação do Tratado de Roma, por meio do Decreto nº 4388/02, ao ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, representou o assentimento do Estado brasileiro à criação de um Tribunal Penal Internacional permanente, apto para julgar os crimes de maior gravidade com alcance internacional. Contudo, apesar do enorme avanço à proteção dos direitos humanos, a partir de tal incorporação, instaurou-se uma situação conflituosa: o Tratado de Roma possui normas de direitos humanos em antinomia jurídica com as normas de direitos fundamentais previstas na Constituição Federal de 1988. Discute-se, assim se a soberania interna é colocada em xeque pela soberania internacional. Além disso, surgem dúvidas acerca dos próprios conflitos em si: seriam os conflitos reais ou meramente aparentes? A presente dissertação pretendeu resolver a tensão entre as normas quais sejam: prescritibilidade versus imprescritibilidade; não-extradição versus entrega; prisão por tempo determinado versus prisão perpétua, da maneira menos gravosa possível

<p>The social dimension in the EU, explored through the document texts of the Treaty of Rome, the Lisbon Strategy, the Social Policy Agenda and the Swedish Strategy Report</p><p>This paper explores the social dimension of EU social policy, except the aspects of the economic and labour market. The EU documents reveal an underlying line of thought stemming from the alignment of the six founding countries, spearheaded by France, with the conservative corporatist welfare model. As one of four European welfare models, the conservative corporatist model emphasises labour market issues, corporate social responsibility and the subsidiarity principle in EU social policy. It also influences how the texts define the terms social, social policy and social exclusion. The definitions determine how policymakers combat problems such as social exclusion and identify the policy issues to be included in EU social policy.</p><p>The Swedish Strategy shows how the country is responding to the objectives that it has been assigned by the EU and how it plans to attain them. Other key issues include how Sweden defines and plans to address the problem of social exclusion domestically.</p><p>The Lisbon Strategy and the Social Policy Agenda of the EU underline the importance of civil trust. Accordingly, I have included Bo Rothstein's theory of social trust, which demonstrates that open dialogue with citizens and written declarations of cooperation in the EU are not enough. Actions that instil trust and impartial universal institutions are also required for the European project to work. Thus, civil trust in the EU requires the existence of such institutions.</p><p> </p>

The social dimension in the EU, explored through the document texts of the Treaty of Rome, the Lisbon Strategy, the Social Policy Agenda and the Swedish Strategy Report This paper explores the social dimension of EU social policy, except the aspects of the economic and labour market. The EU documents reveal an underlying line of thought stemming from the alignment of the six founding countries, spearheaded by France, with the conservative corporatist welfare model. As one of four European welfare models, the conservative corporatist model emphasises labour market issues, corporate social responsibility and the subsidiarity principle in EU social policy. It also influences how the texts define the terms social, social policy and social exclusion. The definitions determine how policymakers combat problems such as social exclusion and identify the policy issues to be included in EU social policy. The Swedish Strategy shows how the country is responding to the objectives that it has been assigned by the EU and how it plans to attain them. Other key issues include how Sweden defines and plans to address the problem of social exclusion domestically. The Lisbon Strategy and the Social Policy Agenda of the EU underline the importance of civil trust. Accordingly, I have included Bo Rothstein's theory of social trust, which demonstrates that open dialogue with citizens and written declarations of cooperation in the EU are not enough. Actions that instil trust and impartial universal institutions are also required for the European project to work. Thus, civil trust in the EU requires the existence of such institutions.