The purpose of this thesis is threefold: firstly, to serve as a contribution to the history of the Marseilles working class; secondly to illustrate the impact of the Popular Front at local level; and thirdly, to act as a case study of working-class mobilisation. In the first section of the thesis the Marseilles working class is briefly described. It was highly heterogeneous, being made up of various racially, occupationally, and spatially-defined communities. The divisions between these communities were to some extent neutralised by a strong sense of the local community of Marseilles. Marseilles' claim to special status within the nation was, however, increasingly coming under challenge. Prior to the Popular Front the most successful political organisations on the Left in Marseilles integrated themselves into the rich community life of the town by playing down ideological issues and by practising the politics of locally-based clientelism rather than those of class. The movement for the Popular Front encouraged a new mood of militancy within the Marseilles working class which both contributed to, and was itself encouraged by, the growth of Communist influence within the Popular Front alliance. At different moments the strikes of the period facilitated or prejudiced the unity of the working class and its integration into the nation. Initially (1934-1937), the strikes which were undertaken advanced the interests of workers against those of employers whilst increasing working-class unity and support for the Popular Front. At the same time the election of a Popular Front Government and its success in resolving strikes to the satisfaction of workers aided the integration of the working class into a new, enlarged, national political consensus. The fragility of this consensus was, however, later revealed (1938-1939), as the Government called for sacrifices in the workplace and the Communists called fcr the launching of an unpopular war against fascism.

This thesis investigates how hegemonic white masculinity adopts a new mode of material accumulation by entering into an ambivalent existence as a historical agent and metahistory at the same time and continues to function as a performative identity that offers a point of identification for the working class white man suggesting that bourgeois identity is obtainable through the performance of bourgeois ethics. The thesis postulates that the phenomenal transitions brought on by industrialization and deindustrialization of 50's through 90's coincide with the representational changes of white masculinity from paradigmatic cowboy incarnations to the postmodern action heroes, specifically as embodied by Bruce Willis. The thesis also examines how postmodern heroes' "intero-alterity" is further problematized by antiheroes in Tim Burton's films.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts / This dissertation shows how both poets and their audiences have played a central role in the emergence of Durban Worker poetry. A review of critical responses to worker poetry concludes that insufficient attention has been paid to questions of audience. Performances of worker poetry are analysed, highlighting the conventions used by the audience when participating in and evaluating the poetry, Social, political and literary factors which have influenced the audience of worker poetry are explored, as are the factors which led to the emergence of worker poetry. In discussing the influence of the Zulu izibongo (praise poetry) on worker poetry, particular attention is paid to formal and performative qualities. The waye in Which worker poetry has been utilised by both poets and audience as a powerful intellectual resource are debated. Finally, the implications of publishing worker poetry via the media of print, audio-cassettes and video-Cassettes are discussed. / Andrew Chakane 2019

This exploratory research project explores the production and use, and subsequent closure and eviction of the community-designed and managed Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden in Deptford – a predominantly working-class area in south-east London. This community garden played a key role in the lives of many local residents and its closure and subsequent demolition to make way for a large housing project drew a significant backlash from local residents which included protests, law-suits, and the occupation of the garden itself. Why this small, half-acre community garden garnered such a notable response is the main focus of and motivation for this research project. Using a combined-methods approach consisting of semi-structured interviews and participant observation, this research investigates what it was about Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden which resulted in this backlash, and why the local council’s decision to close it drew such a militant revolt from local community members. Combining the empirical results of this research with a deep inquiry into the concepts of space and power within urban theory, this thesis seeks to understand the rights working-class communities have to contribute to the production of public green space, and how such community-led contribution can impact on the space produced, both inside and outside the context of Old Tidemill Wildlife Garden and its former users.

Esta pesquisa visa compreender o projeto estético-político do cineasta inglês Ken Loach dentro da história da arte política, e como fruto de um processo histórico de crise da Esquerda e fragmentação da classe trabalhadora, intensificado durante a segunda metade do século XX. Observamos de que maneira a obra de Ken Loach estabelece relações entre a criação de uma forma que possua um resgate de elementos formais (como o melodrama, o naturalismo, o neo-realismo italiano e a Czech New Wave) que teriam um potencial utópico em sua origem, e a busca por conteúdos que explicitem a luta de classes. A refuncionalização desses materiais estéticos o aproxima da concepção benjaminiana de História e dos pressupostos políticos do teatro épico de Bertolt Brecht. Os filmes usados como base para a análise são Terra e Liberdade (Land and Freedom, 1995) e Uma Canção para Carla (Carla\'s Song, 1996), filmes cujas temáticas enfatizam momentos de verdadeiros estados de exceção, como a guerra civil espanhola e a revolução nicaragüense. Além disso, ambos os filmes trazem à tona a discussão sobre o papel do cinema político, de suas possibilidades e limites dentro da indústria cultural e da conjuntura sócio-histórica do final do século XX. / This research aims at understanding the aesthetical-political project of the English filmmaker Ken Loach in the course of the history of political art, and as a result of the historical process of crisis of the Left and fragmentation of the working class, intensified throughout the second half of the 20th century. We observe the ways in which the work of Ken Loach establishes relations between the making of a form which possesses a rescue of formal elements (such as melodrama, naturalism, Italian neorealism and Czech New Wave) that have a utopian potential in their origin, and the search for themes that make the class struggle explicit. The refunctionalization of those aesthetical materials brings him closer to the Benjaminian conception of History and the political assumptions of the epic theater of Bertolt Brecht. The movies used as basis for the analysis are Land and Freedom (1995) and Carlas Song (1996), movies whose themes emphasize moments of real states of exception, such as the Spanish civil war and the Nicaraguan revolution. Besides, both films bring about the discussion over the role of political cinema, its possibilities and limitations inside the cultural industry and the socio-historical conjuncture of the end of the 20th century

No description available.

O objetivo principal da tese consiste em identificar e analisar o processo de construção e de desenvolvimento do Pronatec, utilizado aqui como sinônimo da iniciativa Bolsa Formação, no âmbito de instituição pública (integrante da Rede Federal de EPCT) e privada (integrante do Sistema S) situadas no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul, de modo a apreender as relações entre trabalho e educação, formação profissional e desenvolvimento econômico, que informam essa política, e a identificar e examinar os impactos dessa nova forma de oferta no âmbito das políticas públicas de educação profissional já em andamento. A partir de um referencial analítico que situa a educação profissional como espaço de disputas na realização de distintos projetos formativos, e apreende as políticas educacionais como materialização de interesses de classe, buscou-se evidenciar a correlação de forças presente na construção e no desenvolvimento do Pronatec no âmbito do Estado, compreendido na perspectiva gramsciana como conjunto da sociedade política e sociedade civil, apreendendo-o como parte e produto de uma totalidade social e histórica situada no campo das contradições, das mediações e das relações entre o particular e o geral, o singular e o universal. A pesquisa fez uso das abordagens qualitativa e quantitativa. Foram realizadas entrevistas com gestores em âmbito nacional, e com gestores, coordenadores e professores das instituições de ensino investigadas; aplicados questionários dirigidos ao conjunto de professores e de estudantes dos cursos ofertados nas unidades de ensino selecionadas. Procedeu-se, também, à análise dos projetos pedagógicos de curso que orientaram as ofertas, ao levantamento e análise de fontes primárias sobre o Pronatec e de indicadores quantitativos de orçamento e de matrículas do conjunto de iniciativas do Programa. Com base na interpretação das informações coletadas, pode-se indicar que o Pronatec representou uma disputa política sobre a concepção de formação da classe trabalhadora e pela apropriação dos fundos públicos da educação profissional, que resultou em desvio de rota nas políticas de educação profissional, construídas a partir das propostas dos movimentos sociais e de coletivos de educadores democráticos ligados à classe trabalhadora, durante a primeira década dos anos 2000, e produziu efeitos regressivos no âmbito de Programas, como Proeja e Mulheres Mil, e nas políticas de educação profissional do campo. É possível afirmar que a nova forma de indução da educação profissional, por meio da oferta de vagas gratuitas em instituições públicas e privadas, a partir do Pronatec Bolsa Formação, é parte das medidas desenvolvidas pelo governo federal que, com base nas premissas gramscianas, pode ser caracterizado como expressão de uma revolução passiva à brasileira: parte conservação e parte inovação. Apesar de incorporar elementos das lutas dos trabalhadores, como a reunião das políticas de formação profissional no âmbito do Ministério da Educação e a continuidade das políticas do período anterior, o protagonismo das instituições privadas e a fragilidade dos mecanismos para identificação das reais demandas formativas conduziu ao desenvolvimento de formas de oferta desintegradas da educação básica e à recuperação da hegemonia do projeto educacional da burguesia na socialização da classe trabalhadora no novo espírito do capitalismo. / The thesis main goal consists in identify and analyze the construction and development process of Pronatec, used here as synonymous of Bolsa Formação initiative, in the public institution (Rede Federal of EPCT member) and private (Sistema S member) scope situated in Rio Grande do Sul, in order to capture the relations between work and education, professional formation and economic development, that inform this politics, and to examine the impacts of this new offering way in the professional education public politics scope already on going. From an analytical referential that places the professional education as a space of dispute in distinct constitutive projects, and captures the educational politics as class interests materialization, it was sought to show the interconnection force present in Pronatecs construction and development in the State scope, understood under the gramscian perspective as a political and social society aggregation, capturing it as part and product of a social and historical totality situated in the contradiction field, in mediations and relations between the private and the general, the singular and the universal. The research used qualitative and quantitative approaches. Interviews with managers in national range were held, and with managers, coordinators and teachers from the investigated institutions; questionnaires were applied to the group of teachers and students from the offered courses at the selected teaching units. There was, also, the analysis on the course pedagogic projects that guided the offer, the collecting and analysis on primary sources about Pronatec and quantitative budget and enrollment indicators of the Programs initiative group. Based on the collected information interpretation, it can be seen that Pronatec represented a political dispute about the working class formation conception and the professional educations public funds appropriation, which resulted in route detour in professional education politics, built from social movements proposals and democratic educators groups linked to the working class, during the first 2000s decade, and produced regressive effects on the Programs extent, such as Proeja and Mulheres Mil, and on the field professional education politics. Its possible to claim that the new professional education induction way, through free spots offer in public and private institutions, from the Pronatec Bolsa Formação, is part of the measures developed by the federal government that, based on gramscian premisses, can be characterized as an expression of a Brazilian passive revolution: part conservation and part innovation. Despite embodying workers struggle elements, such as the gathering of professional formation in the Education Ministry scope and the continuity of previous politics, the private institutions protagonism and the mechanisms fragility for identification of real formative demands lead to the development of offering ways detached from basic education and to the bourgeoisie hegemony retrieval educational project on the working class socialization in the new spirit of capitalism.

Depuis 1956, le cinéma britannique a régulièrement utilisé la figure du 'working class hero' pour représenter la culture ouvrière et les aléas socioéconomiques survenus à cette classe au Royaume-Uni, que ce soit pendant la période dite d'abondance ou des Trente Glorieuses (fin des années 1950-fin des années 1970) ou celle des prémisses puis de l'intensification de la crise (début des années 1980-fin des années 2000). A partir d'un corpus d'environ trois cents films, cette étude met en résonance le cinéma et le contexte social, économique et politique contemporains afin de cerner le mode de vie spécifique de la classe ouvrière et les problèmes récurrents qui l'agitent (menace d'embourgeoisement ou de prolétarisation), tout en la replaçant au cœur des débats qui ont irrigué la société britannique depuis cinquante ans et auxquels le héros ouvrier sert de catalyseur (méritocratie, société sans classes, inégalités, place des femmes et des minorités). Par-delà sa représentativité sociologique, l'intérêt suscité par le 'working class hero' au fil des décennies et le fait que son identité repose davantage sur l'exacerbation d'une masculinité en souffrance que sur une conscience de classe clairement établie permettent d'envisager l'émergence d'une véritable figure mythique dans l'imaginaire national britannique. / Since 1956, British cinema has regularly used the figure of the working class hero to represent working-class culture and the social and economic ups and downs it went through whether it was during the so-called Affluent Society (late 1950s-late 1970s) or the early signs of what was then to become an intensifying crisis (early 1980s-late 2000s). Based on a corpus of around three hundred films, this study relates British cinema to its contemporary social, economic and political context in order to attempt a definition of working-class idiosyncrasies and the recurring problems this class has had to face (threat of embourgeoisement or proletarianisation). It also attempts to replace the working class into the heart of all the debates that have stirred British society over the last fifty years and for which the working class hero has become a catalyst (meritocracy, classless society, inequalities, the place of women and minorities in society). Beyond his sociological representativeness, the continuing interest the working class hero has aroused and the fact that his identity rests on an exacerbated portrayal of suffering masculinity rather than a clearly defined class consciousness enable one to contemplate the emergence of a true mythical figure in the British national imagination.

Dans la ville brésilienne, les habitats populaires tels que le cortiço ou la pensão, sont très peu étudiés dans le champ de la géographie, en partie en raison du topo autour de la favela. Cette thèse cherche à combler ce creux dans les travaux scientifiques sur l’habitat, en partant du discours de ses résidents. Le cortiço peut se définir comme un habitat populaire collectif, multifamilial et locatif, dont le développement se fait dans les quartiers anciens, dits « centraux » des villes brésiliennes. Il est une solution de logement antérieure à la favela et occupe toujours une place importante dans le paysage urbain.Dans cette thèse, nous avons choisi d’étudier la place du cortiço dans trois contextes métropolitains différents : celui de São Paulo, de Salvador de Bahia et de Belém do Pará. Cela nous permet d’aborder la réalité urbaine du cortiço dans sa diversité. De plus, nous adoptons une approche par l’échelle du micro, en entrant dans les cortiços et dans les quartos pour y rencontrer les habitants et y recueillir leurs propos. La place du cortiço - dans la ville et pour ses habitants - nous permet de développer également les problématiques liées au droit à la ville et au maintien d’une fonction résidentielle populaire en centre-ville. / In the Brazilian city, popular housing such as cortiço or pensão are poorly studied in the academic geography field, because of the focus around the favela. This dissertation aims to fill this lack in scientific studies on housing. The cortiço could be defined as a popular, collective, multifamiliar, rented housing whose development happens in old neighborhoods, called “centrals” of Brazilian cities. It is a housing solution older than the favela, still having an important place in the urban landscape nowadays. In this dissertation, I chose to study the place of the cortiço in three different metropolitan contexts: São Paulo, Salvador de Bahia and Belém do Pará. This allows us to address the cortiço’s urban reality in its diversity. Also, we take an approach by the micro level, entering in the cortiços and in the quartos in order to meet the dwellers and gathering their discourses. The place of the cortiço – in the city and for its inhabitants – allows us to also develop the questions of the right to the city and the permanence of popular residential function in city cores.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-13T14:10:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FERNANDA CINTRA DE PAULA.pdf: 3019272 bytes, checksum: 878dcf0358b2e31ef7168fba8157d758 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-18 / The theme of this dissertation is childhood, communication and consumption. With a focus on the symbolic value of merchandise, it presents a study on the relationship between the exposure to advertising and consumption of food by children in working class families, thus enriching the debate about consumption directed at children in modern Brazilian society. The purpose of the study is to analyze meaning processes made by children in relation to appeals by the media (especially advertising) for the consumption of food products. Based on British Cultural Studies and on theories of communication, consumption culture and childhood culture; and using a methodology that includes field research of an ethnographic nature with observation of neighborhood and housing, identification of the television programming watched by the children, observation of commercial breaks most watched by children and identification of movements to prohibit advertising aimed at children, this study on exposure of working class children also examines questions related to regulation of advertising aimed at children. / Esta dissertação, que tem como tema infância, comunicação e consumo com foco no valor simbólico da mercadoria, apresenta um estudo sobre as relações entre a recepção de publicidade e o consumo de alimentos por crianças de classes populares e, desta maneira, enriquece o debate sobre o consumo e a comunicação dirigida para crianças, na atual sociedade brasileira. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar processos de significação realizados pelas crianças em relação aos apelos midiáticos (em especial a publicidade) para o consumo de produtos alimentícios. Com base nos Estudos Culturais britânicos e nas teorias da comunicação, da cultura do consumo e da infância; e através de uma metodologia que incluiu pesquisa de campo de caráter etnográfico com observação do bairro e moradia, identificação da programação televisiva assistida pelas crianças (Ibope), observação dos intervalos comerciais dos programas de maior audiência pelo público infantil, e identificação dos movimentos pela proibição da publicidade para crianças, este estudo de recepção com crianças de classe popular discute também questões relativas à regulamentação da publicidade voltada para o público infantil.