Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / Due to high levels of unemployment many people in South Africa have sought work in the informal sector of the country's economy. The activities of landfill waste pickers therefore came about because of this. Landfill waste pickers recover recyclables on mountains of waste and sell to different Buy Back Centers (BBCs) in their areas. Despite the hardships, working on unbearable working conditions and poor income, landfill waste pickers have managed to sustain their livelihoods. The aim of the study was to conduct an analysis of the livelihoods of landfill waste pickers in South Africa using the sustainable livelihood framework. The study adopted both qualitative and quantitative research approach using multiple case study strategy of inquiry. The population of the study was the landfill waste pickers at the selected landfill sites and material recovery facility. Convenient sampling was used to select the research sample. Data was gathered through observations, semi-structured one-on-one interviews, focus groups, questionnaires, and document analysis to involve multiple sources of data. The research study took place in the following provinces of South Africa namely Western Cape, North West, and Eastern Cape. Out of these provinces the following municipalities were selected for the study Stellenbosch and Oudtshoorn (Western Cape), Potchefstroom and Vryburg (North West) and Graaff Reinet (Eastern Cape). Themes were identified using the elements of sustainable livelihood framework (SLF) and thematic analysis. SLF was used to analyse and present findings under the following elements of SLF vulnerability context, livelihood assets, transforming structures and processes, livelihood strategies and livelihood outcomes. After using a robust approach in analyzing the livelihoods of waste pickers the main outcome was that waste pickers are trying to make a living and they are entrepreneurs. The study also showed that it is important that waste pickers need to be integrated into the waste management system but not to formalize or regulate them. But ultimately give them support so that they continue to do their work better in better conditions.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, School of Social Sciences, 2012 / This thesis explores the relationship between social capital/civil society and good governance/economic development both conceptually and empirically through case studies in the urban, rural, and peri-urban South Africa. As a starting point, this thesis attempts to answer the following six questions: How is social capital identifiable? Is its production exclusively confined to horizontally structured forms of associational life? Can peasant societies generate social capital? Do social capital networks accentuate divisions within communities between those who have access to authority and those without? Can political institutions play a role in producing social capital or does the enlargement of state authority take place at the expense of the associational networks which do produce social capital? And what kind of organisations in rural settings can best bridge sectional concerns and promote wider communities of trust? Can traditional existing political institutions be adapted to modern democratic requirements? I believe that in answering these questions I have gone some way in resolving some of the conceptual dilemmas identified by critics of the concept of social capital. I was then in a position to test and explore two hypotheses. Firstly, I argue that there is a relationship between social capital (a product of civil society) and good governance as well as economic and democratic development. Secondly, I argue that positive social capital will be under-produced in societies in which there is a weak market economy, that is, where members of civil society do not have independent sources of income. I demonstrate that civil society, the state, and markets have a symbiotic relationship and that they all have a role to play in the production of positive social capital. This thesis employed various data collection methods in order to navigate around the case studies chosen for the purposes of this study, viz. individual and group interviews, focus groups, direct observations, research surveys, secondary literature, and local newspapers. Evidence emanating from this thesis suggests that there is a vibrant civil society and, by implication, social capital in poorly resourced areas found in urban, peri-urban, and rural areas of South Africa, which has to some extent contributed to good governance as well as economic and democratic development. However, I conclude by arguing that the informalisation of the economy as well as high levels of unemployment in these areas certainly inhibit civil society from playing its important democratising and governance role since the production of positive social capital is constrained by this new reality.

The Yugoslav wars of the 1990s - namely Croatia/ Bosnia (1991-1995) and Kosovo (1998-1999) - were the focus of unprecedented, and uninformed, international attention. This attention accepted at face value an ethnic rationale for the conflict that was often peddled by the combatants themselves; such rationales served to mask the economic and political aspirations of engaged state- and non-state actors. The wars allowed organised crime to take root and proliferate exponentially across geographical, political, and economic spheres. It became a tool of states, militaries and militias; states co-opted criminals, and vice-versa. The Serbian state became a criminal entity (as did, to a lesser extent, surrounding states) in partial control of a thoroughly criminalised regional combat economy, often in collusion with supposed ethnic `enemies.¿ Reconstruction, development, and governance interventions conducted by international actors in the successor states of the former Yugoslavia remain stifled by an absence of understanding of both the systematic infrastructural presence of organised crime, and a lack of acknowledgement of the economic rationales underlying the wars themselves.

Slum development in the Global South continues at a rapid pace, leading to a search for solutions to the severe environmental, social, and economical challenges facing these settlements. Informal economic activities are central to these communities’ survival and structure. Ownership policies have been initiated that contribute to security for residents, and there is evidence that this can lead to increased social and economic productivity. However, studies have also shown that broad ranging titling reforms may destroy existing networks, practices, and livelihoods of residents. This raises a fundamental question on how land titling and formalization of business ownership can be accomplished, while still maintaining local social networks and livelihoods. This thesis calls attention to the need to develop policy approaches that are context specific while also taking into account the complex economic networks that develop in informal settlements. / text

Présente depuis le temps des Romains, et bien au-delà des simples «articles de Paris», la contrefaçon s’est introduite dans tous les domaines de fabrication. L’objectif de cette recherche est de déterminer quelles peuvent être les raisons et les motivations qui poussent un groupe d’immigrants à se spécialiser dans la vente de contrefaçon d’objet de luxe. Pour y répondre, nous proposons de suivre deux hypothèses. D'une part, le contexte politicoéconomique international est constitué de telle sorte qu'il favorise un groupe restreint de pays et limite en contrepartie les débouchés à bon nombre de pays en développement. Les pays développés modulent, ou font pression sur les organisations internationales à leur image afin d'en tirer davantage de bénéfices, et souvent au détriment des pays en développement. Et d'autre part, à l'intérieur de ces populations en mouvement, certains individus font le choix (inévitable ou stratégique) de se cantonner dans un commerce de la rue, parfois illégal, comme c'est le cas de la vente d'objet de luxe contrefait. D’un autre côté, l’adhésion d’un individu à un commerce illégal ne peut lui être totalement imposée par des forces extérieures. Ainsi, il est démontré dans ce travail, que la vente de contrefaçon répond aux particularités et aux exigences de certains individus: statut d’immigrants illégaux, peu ou pas d’expérience de travail compatible avec le pays d’accueil, travail sans contraintes d’horaire, travail à l’extérieur et, surtout, favorisant la vie sociale. / Present since Roman Empire, and that well beyond the simple "articles de Paris", counterfeiting has been introduced in all areas of manufacturing. The objective of this research is to determine what are the reasons and motivations for an immigrant group to specialize in selling counterfeiting luxury. To answer this, we propose two hypotheses. On the one hand, the international politico-economic context is such that it favors a small group of countries and limits, in return, the opportunities of in many countries in development. Developed countries modulate, or lobby, international organizations according to their values and they want to draw the greatest benefits. Often, these benefits are harmful to the others. Secondly, within moving populations, some people are choosing (inevitably or strategically) to confine themselves in a street trade, sometimes illegal, as is the case of the counterfeiting luxury’s selling. On the other hand, illegal trade cannot be fully imposed to individuals by external forces. Thus, it is shown in this work that the sale of counterfeit features meets some expectations and constraints of sellers: illegal immigrant status, no job experience in the host country, no schedule constraints, working outside and, especially, promoting social life jobs.

A partir des associations féminines de microcrédit, des femmes sénégalaises mettent en place des stratégies de solidarité et investissent le secteur de la microfinance à l’aide de systèmes formels et informels d’épargne et de crédit pour assurer la survie de la famille ou l’acquisition de biens matériels et/ou d’argent, gage de succès économique et source de prestige au Sénégal. Ces pratiques de solidarité et de réseautage socio-économiques sont construites et entretenues à partir des acteurs dominants du milieu associatif (dirigeants et fondateurs) avec l’aide des partenaires financiers et techniques. L’Etat et les ONG de développement considérés comme les partenaires de ces associations sont les premiers à leur fournir un apport financier et technique. Ce partenariat s’inscrit dans une logique de lutte contre la pauvreté mais aussi instrumentale dans laquelle les femmes sont considérées comme une ressource, et comme sujette à un « investissement rentable ». Dans cette thèse, on semble se demander si les pratiques associées à la lutte contre la pauvreté en général et le microcrédit en particulier ne profitent pas plus aux partenaires qui en font la promotion qu’aux femmes elles-mêmes. A partir d’une étude de cas, cette thèse tente de comprendre la pratique du microcrédit dans les associations féminines de microcrédit sénégalaises, les dynamiques de collaboration et de pouvoir, entre les différents acteurs, qui se mettent en place, et enfin les objectifs poursuivis par les uns (Etat et ONG de développement) et les autres (les associations de femmes). / Women's microcredit associations allow Senegalese women to support each other while investing in the microfinance sector. Formal and informal savings and credit systems ensure the families survival and the purchase of goods. These, as well as the flow of cash, are proofs of economic success and a source of prestige in Senegal. Solidarity strategies, along with social and economic networking practices originate from key community leaders (both founders and leaders) with the help of technical and financial partners. The state and associated NGOs provide the biggest part of the financial and technical support. The partnerhip fits into a general fight against poverty where women are understood as resources and profitable investments. However one could argue that associated partners often benefit more from the fight against poverty- and the development of microcredit- than Senegalese women themselves. Using a specific case study, the thesis examines the microcredit practices of Senegalese women involved in the associative sector; the power dynamics behind associations of people and, finally, the objectives of each participant (NGOs, state and women’s associations).

La prédominance de l’informel dans l’économie d’Haïti, où plus de 80% de la population vit en dessous du seuil de la pauvreté et plus de 35% au chômage, laisse entrevoir des liens étroits entre l’économie informelle, la pauvreté et le marché du travail. Faire ressortir ces interrelations, exige une évaluation de cette économie informelle qui fait l’objet des quatre chapitres de notre thèse traitant successivement l’évolution de la situation macroéconomique, le capital humain, les gains des travailleurs informels, et la segmentation du marché du travail.Le premier chapitre fait un diagnostic du phénomène selon l’état des lieux des théories élaborées et l’évolution du cadre macro-économique d’Haïti de 1980 à 2010 et propose une évaluation macroéconomique de l’informel à partir d’un modèle PLS (Partial Least Squares) en pourcentage du PIB.Le chapitre deux établit les relations entre l’évolution de l’économie informelle, dérégulation et politiques néolibérales grâce à un modèle LISREL (Linear Structural Relations). Nous examinons les incidences des politiques fiscales, budgétaires et monétaires des 30 dernières années sur l’économie informelle. Nous réévaluons aussi les causes de l’évolution de l’informel généralement évoquées par les études empiriques (taxes, sécurité sociale).Au chapitre trois, nous analysons la dimension micro-réelle de l’informel grâce à un modèle des gains à la Mincer estimé par les équations logit à partir des données d’une enquête nationale sur l’emploi et l’économie informelle (EEEI) de 2007. Nous analysons les déterminants des gains informels au regard de la position des travailleurs sur le marché (salariés, entrepreneurs et indépendants) ; et les revenus (formels et informels) et les caractéristiques socioéconomiques des travailleurs pauvres et non-pauvres par rapport au seuil de pauvreté.Au chapitre quatre, nous testons d’abord la compétitivité et la segmentation du marché de l’emploi en faisant usage de modèle de Roy et du modèle de Roy élargi à travers une estimation d’un modèle Tobit. Nous utilisons un modèle de Processus de Dirichlet : d’abord analyser la segmentation et la compétitivité éventuelle du marché du travail informel ainsi que ses déterminants, selon les données de l’EEEI-2007 ; ensuite, pour distinguer les caractéristiques fondamentales des informels involontaires (exclus du marché du travail formel) de celles des informels volontaires qui en retirent des avantages comparatifs. / The predominance of the informal sector in the economy of Haiti, where more than 80% of the population lives below the threshold of poverty and more than 35% unemployed, suggests links between the informal economy, poverty and the labour market. Highlight these interrelationships, requires an assessment of the informal economy, which is the subject of the four chapters of this thesis, dealing successively with the evolution of the macroeconomic situation, human capital, the informal earnings of workers, and the segmentation of the labour market.The first chapter made a diagnosis of the phenomenon according to the State of affairs of the developed theories and the evolution of the macroeconomic framework of Haiti from 1980 to 2010. And then offers a macroeconomic assessment of the informal sector as a percentage of GDP from a PLS (Partial Least Squares).Chapter two sets out the relationship between the evolution of the informal economy, deregulation and neo-liberal policies through a LISREL (Linear Structural Relations) model. We look at the impact of the budgetary, fiscal and monetary policies of the past 30 years on the informal economy. We also reassess the causes of the evolution of the informal economy generally evoked by the empirical studies (taxes, social security).In the chapter three, we analyse the micro-real dimension of the informal economy through a model of the Mincer earnings estimated by the equations logit from data in a national survey on employment and the informal economy (EEEI) in 2007. We analyse the determinants of informal gains in terms of the position of the market workers (employees, entrepreneurs and self-employed); and revenues (formal and informal) and the socio-economic characteristics of the working poor and non-poor compared to the poverty line.In chapter four, we first test the competitiveness and the segmentation of the labour market by making use of model of Roy and the expanded Roy model through an estimate a model Tobit. We use a model of Dirichlet process: first analyse the segmentation and possible informal work and market competitiveness as its determinants, according to data from the EEEI 2007; then, to distinguish the fundamental characteristics of the involuntary informal (excluded from the formal labour market) than the voluntary informal who gain comparative advantages.

En Afrique centrale, la chasse commerciale contribue fortement au ravitaillement en protéines des ménages en milieu villageois comme en milieu urbain. Elle est accusée de surexploiter la ressource faune, d’avoir un impact très négatif sur la biodiversité animale et sur la régénération forestière et de faire naître des risques importants de développement de maladies émergentes. A partir du cas centrafricain, nous voulons montrer que : la chasse commerciale s’inscrit dans une histoire longue, qui débute avec la colonisation européenne et se poursuit sans rupture, mais avec des acteurs différents, jusqu’à nos jours ; les prélèvements portent principalement sur la faune petite et moyenne qui présente une dynamique naturelle de reproduction très forte et qui supporte bien des pressions de chasse élevées ; la venaison, surtout la viande boucanée, joue un rôle important pour la sécurité alimentaire des ruraux et des urbains les plus pauvres ; la distribution de ce produit vivrier fait intervenir différents acteurs de l’économie informelle ; la filière est illégale, mais jamais criminelle ; la viande de chasse n’est pas en accès libre, mais la filière est fortement régulée par des contraintes sociales, économiques, géographiques et techniques. A partir de ces constats, nous proposons une nouvelle approche politique de la gestion de la faune en Afrique centrale, privilégiant une gestion adaptative de la faune commune sur la base des territoires villageois, recentrant l’Etat sur ses fonctions régaliennes d’organisation de la sécurité alimentaire globale de la population et réorientant la recherche vers la biologie de la petite faune et l’appui technique aux collectivités locales. / In central Africa, commercial hunting strongly contributes to the protein supply of rural and urban households. It is accused of wildlife resources overexploitation, with very negative impacts on animal biodiversity and forest regeneration and with important risks of emergent diseases development. From the Central African Republic case, we want to show that: commercial hunting has a long history, which begins with European colonization and goes on until today, without breaking, but with different actors ; takings mainly focuse small and medium wildlife which naturally has very strong dynamics of reproduction and which supports high pressures of hunting; Bushmeat, especially smoked meat, plays an important part for food safety of rural and urban poorest; distribution of this food products involves various actors of informal economy; this sector is illegal, but never criminal; bushmeat is not in open access, but the network is strongly controlled by social, economic, geographical and technical constraints. From these reports, we propose a new policy approach to wildlife management in central Africa, favoring an adaptive management of common fauna based on village territory, focusing State on its kingly functions to organize proteinic food safety for all people and orientating research towards small fauna biology and local communities technical support.

This dissertation examines how a group of street vendors in Yogyakarta City, Indonesia, experienced a government-organized relocation from Mangkubumi Street to a newly renovated marketplace. In particular, I explore the strategies taken by the leaders of a street vendor organization called Pethikbumi to refuse the relocation and claim their right to the street. Contestations over streets, street vending and street vendor relocations constitute important moments during which citizenship, democracy and belonging are negotiated in the city. I argue that the conflict over belonging and democracy took the form of a social drama and was shaped and structured by specific moral appeals, public performances, and processes of imitation (cf. Turner 1974). The study begins with an exploration of the history of street vending and the pedagang kaki lima (street vendor) in Indonesia. I outline how the pedagang kaki lima were viewed as “dirty”, a simplified code for the transgression of social, spatial and legal boundaries. I move on to explore the way the street vendors of Pethikbumi drew on ideas of “the people” (rakyat), democracy and transparency in claiming their rights. I analyze the ways that Pethikbumi drew on important moments in Indonesia’s past and present, situating this relocation conflict as significant and as part of “history”. The relocation was also rooted in an epistemology of “skepticism” derived from an awareness of the ambiguity and tension between appearances and realities (cf. Anderson 1990). Pethikbumi engaged in tactics to both reveal and conceal the “unseen powers” that were imagined as working behind the scenes to generate conflict. The conflict over the relocation to a marketplace was not only a fight over who had access to the street but also a struggle over what constitutes democracy, how to achieve transparency, and who belongs in post-Suharto Indonesia.

Why do some people in Halifax, Nova Scotia work collecting recyclables rather than in other—more formal—means of employment? Some scholars argue that informal economic activity is the product of a shift towards flexible work regimes and reductions to the social welfare system (the informalization thesis) and/or that increasingly marginalized people are forced into informal economic activities by economic necessity (the marginalization thesis). Drawing on a close analysis of provincial and municipal recycling policies and ethnographic fieldwork with informal recyclers, I argue that the informalization and marginalization theses are based on overly deterministic models of informal employment. Demand for informal recycling in Halifax is supported by a complex raft of environmental legislation designed to increase the rate of recycling. People willingly choose informal recycling as an alternative to formal employment for various reasons, but above all because it offers a tax-free, honest living, autonomy and a decent income.