The study of political communication is an old and diverse field, and the media has been proven to have an effect on their readers. The narratives that they create in their reporting can be as damning as they can be auspicious. Therefore, the study of media and how they frame certain events is as important as it has ever been. The democratic primaries in 2016 were certainly an interesting event. Hillary Clinton, the apparent nominee of the party, faced off against Bernie Sanders, who, in America, is something as unusual as a democratic socialist. How were these two polar opposites framed? To find out, a framing analysis was made on New York Times and Washington Post, two of the largest newspapers in the US. The analysis was built around four “events” that were deemed important in the election. 195 articles were analyzed. The methods that were used were both quantitative and qualitative, and the theories of framing (how the media depicts the election) and agenda-setting (what the media deems to be important) were applied. The results showed that the two newspapers did not differentiate all that much from each other, except for a few percent in certain aspects. All in all, the narrative was obvious. Clinton was the candidate that would go on to win the nomination. She was also the most suitable candidate. Bernie Sanders, on the other hand, was framed as the loser and as unsuitable. Though he was consistently framed as having more integrity than his opponent. Clinton was also the candidate that had the biggest focus on her. This was true for all of the events, and in both newspapers. The implications of the study are twofold. First, Sanders was consistently painted in a negative light, which created an undesirable narrative and gave him negative momentum. Secondly, the virtual duplication of the narratives in New York Times and Washington Post suggests that there was some kind of consensus. Either Clinton really was the obvious nominee for the party, or the media hampered Sanders chances to clinch the nomination by depicting him in a negative manner.

The diploma thesis "Analysis of the Czech and American News Coverage of the 2008 Presidential Elections in the U.S. and American President" examined if American press, represented by The New Your Times, is influencing the coverage of presidential candidates in Czech press, which is represented by Mladá fronta DNES and Hospodářské noviny. The examination is based on the example of presidential race in 2008 in USA. The aim of the research is if there are signs of international two-step flow in Czech press. The second part of the research is focused on so called honeymoon effect in Czech press on the example of news Coverage of President Barack Obama in his first term in office. The quantitative content analysis showed that there are similar features in the coverage of presidential race in Czech and American press. The investigation also showed that Czech press is more positive in the coverage of Barrack Obama at the beginning of his first term in office and this positivity declined in the second year.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-12-05T11:46:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 André Luiz Siqueira Alencar.pdf: 1311128 bytes, checksum: 58ccfea26fa0387f8f6b78d02f0ca957 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-12-05T11:46:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 André Luiz Siqueira Alencar.pdf: 1311128 bytes, checksum: 58ccfea26fa0387f8f6b78d02f0ca957 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-10-23 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / The objective of this dissertation is the critical analysis of the representation made by the media regarding the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers, one of the largest banking institutions in the world, as well as the actors involved. There are always different ways of saying the same thing, and these modes are not accidental alternatives. Differences in expression bring ideological distinctions, and thus differences of representation. In the decade of 2008, the world went through an economic recession triggered by US mortgage lending, which led to bank failures, unemployment and rising poverty. Lehman Brothers’ bankruptcy is considered one of the most important milestones of the 21st century, equated only with the terrorist attacks of September 11. The analysis will be made in editorials of two newspapers: Folha de S.Paulo and The New York Times, with basic support of the Systemic-Functional Grammar (SFG). The SFG’s theoretical-methodological proposal makes it possible to relate the lexicographic choices of the text microstructure to the macro structure of ideology and force relations, establishing a link between social and individual, macro and micro, social and cognitive typology. This type of approach is especially useful in examining the discourse of different groups with specific ideological characteristics. For SFG, language has the function of constructing three meanings – or metafunctions: ideational (information), interpersonal (interaction) and textual (linguistic organization of metafunctions). SFG also involves Critical Linguistics, to which any aspect of the linguistic structure carries ideological significance – lexical selection, syntactic choice, etc. The research should answer the following questions: (a) How can ideational metafunction, through transitivity, construct the representation concerning Lehman Brothers bankruptcy? (b) What role do interpersonal metafunctions have, through modality and evaluativeness, in this process? The results show that the Brazilian editorial “Cada vez pior” describes and narrates the negative aspects of the crisis, however, without positioning against or in favor of the issue, while the American editorial “Wall Street Casualties” also describes and narrates, but suggests positive aspects of the collapse / O objetivo desta dissertação é a análise crítica da representação feita pela mídia com referência à falência do Lehman Brothers, uma das maiores instituições bancárias do mundo, bem como aos atores envolvidos. Há sempre modos diferentes de dizer a mesma coisa, e esses modos não são alternativas acidentais. Diferenças em expressão trazem distinções ideológicas, e assim diferenças de representação. Na década de 2008, o mundo passou por uma recessão econômica desencadeada pelos empréstimos hipotecários americanos, que acarretaram falências bancárias, desemprego e aumento da pobreza. A falência do Lehman Brothers é considerada como um dos marcos mais importantes do século XXI, igualado somente aos ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro. A análise será feita em editoriais de dois jornais: a Folha de S.Paulo e o The New York Times, com apoio básico da Gramática Sistêmico-Funcional (GSF). A proposta teórico-metodológica da GSF possibilita relacionar as escolhas léxicogramaticais da microestrutura do texto com a estrutura macro da ideologia e das relações de força, estabelecendo um elo entre o social e o individual, o macro e o micro, o social e o cognitivo. Esse tipo de abordagem é especialmente útil no exame do discurso de diferentes grupos com características ideológicas específicas. Para a GSF, a língua tem a função de construir três significados – ou metafunções: ideacional (informação), interpessoal (interação) e textual (organização linguísticas das referidas metafunções). A GSF envolve também a Linguística Crítica, para a qual qualquer aspecto da estrutura linguística carrega significação ideológica – seleção lexical, opção sintática, etc. A pesquisa deve responder às seguintes perguntas: (a) Como a metafunção ideacional, por meio da transitividade, pode construir a representação referente à falência do Lehman Brothers? (b) Que papel têm a metafunção interpessoal, por meio da modalidade e da avaliatividade nesse processo? Os resultados mostram que o editorial brasileiro “Cada vez pior” descreve e narra os aspectos negativos da crise, embora sem se posicionar contra ou a favor da questão, ao passo que editorial americano “Wall Street Casualties”, ao descrever e narrar, sugere aspectos positivos da derrocada

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隨著冷戰結束，美國藉由其強大國力和自身的話語權力，在國際社會爭取自身利益。近年來，由於中國國力日漸強大，開始重視話語權的建構，加上 2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」發生時，中國封鎖消息，沒有官方來源的情況下，國外媒體紛紛透過其他管道採訪，出現許多次錯誤報導，讓中國失去主動建立話語權的機會。中國政府當局深知此事傷害中國形象甚尤，為了避免形成所謂「以美國為主的國際話語和國際輿論霸權」以及「傳播美國化」的問題，中國在2009年新疆「7．5事件」中放寬新聞管制，主動提供外國媒體信息，並安排外國記者採訪事宜，使訊息較為透明化，避免世界一邊倒的輿論偏向，企圖獲得中國話語權。 在2009年新疆烏魯木齊「7．5事件」中，中國政府採取不同於過往的處理方式，中國當局記取改善信息發佈制度，事件發生後幾小時內，中國國務院新聞辦公室邀請外國記者到烏魯木齊採訪，安排記者採訪事宜，較諸2008年西藏拉薩「3．14事件」。因此，本研究採取內容分析和論述分析等，透過分析新疆「7．5事件」新聞，試圖了解中國傳媒如何藉由新疆「7．5事件」新聞報導建構中國話語權策略，並以美國《紐約時報》作為論證，檢視中國藉由新疆「7．5事件」建構話語權的成效為何。研究結果發現，《中新社》運用的九項報導策略，在《紐約時報》並沒有提及類似的新聞內容，證明《中新社》的報導策略在《紐約時報》試圖從報導新疆「7．5事件」建構的國際話語權策略，成效有限。 / While Cold War ended, the United States fought for their own interests in the global society through their own national power and discursive power. In recent years, China’s national power has become stronger, and started to focus on discursive power. When 2008 Tibetan unrest happened, China blocked all the information. There is no official source so that the foreign media have to use irregular channels to interview people. There are some error reports in foreign media, so China lost the opportunity to take the initiative to establish the right to speak. Chinese authorities knew that the matter hurt Chinese image severely. In order to avoid the problems so-called “US-based international hegemonic discourse” and “dissemination of Americanization,” China, in July 2009 Urumqi riots, loosened restrictions in media and took initiative to provide information to journalists. Chinese government also arranged some interviews for foreign so that the messages were more transparent to avoid one-sided opinions to gain Chinese discursive power. In July 2009 Urumqi riots, the Chinese government adopted the approach different from the past, which improved information release system. Within a few hours after the incident, China's State Council Information Office invited foreign reporters to Urumqi to do interviews which differed from 2008 Tibetan unrest. Therefore, this study adopts content analysis and discourse analysis etc. to realize how Chinese media constructs Chinese discourse strategies and uses U.S.A. “New York Times” as a proof to view Chinese discourse strategies’ effects through July 2009 Urumqi riots news. The study finds that China News Service uses 9 strategies in reporting Urumqi riots. However, New York Times do not mention the similar coverage. It proved that China News Service use the strategies to construct international discursive power in reporting Urumqi riots, to be limited success.

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Governor John B. Connally Jr., who served as chief executive of the State of Texas from 1963.to 1969, made extensive use of the mass communication media to further both his programs and his own political fortune. It is the purpose of this study to examine the history of Connally's use of the media, to evaluate the degree of success he achieved in the use of the media, and to present evidence of how he was able to achieve success in the use of the media. The study was done in three phases. In the first phase, microfilm files of two newspapers, the Dallas News and the Houston Chronicle, were studied in detail for the years 1962 through 1968. Clipping files of the Associated Press in Austin and the Dallas Times Herald also were studied for the years in question. Also, the New York Times Index was examined for references to Connally during these years. Such references were then checked on microfilm files of the Times. In the second phase, key members of Connally's staff for those years and key members of the capitol press corps in Austin were interviewed. As a third step, a questionnaire was mailed to 25 selected Texas editors soliciting their views on Connally's press relations.

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This project analyzes the various opinions in the United States of Adolf Hitler and the Nazis during the 1930s and studies the amount of information that was available in the United States regarding Nazi Germany before entering World War II. Specifically, it seeks to understand why the United States did relatively little to influence German and European affairs even in the face of increasing Nazi brutality and bellicosity. The analysis has been divided into three different categories. The first focuses on the United States government, and the President and Secretary of State in particular. The second category analyzes the minority opinion in the United States that had Nazi sympathies. Finally, the third deals with the American public in general. The evidence suggests that there was enough information regarding Nazi Germany for Americans to make a reasonable judgment. Most of the United States was opposed to Nazism and the German government. In spite of this, the majority agreed that the United States should not intervene or enter war. This study is significant because it helps shed further light on a debate in the country that continues to the present day: what role should the United States have when it comes to world affairs? The research in this thesis suggests that, in spite of opposition by the American public, if there is enough verifiable evidence of a humanitarian crisis to justify intervention, the government should act.