This paper examines the different attitudes of the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the United States of America with regards to the Kaesong Industrial Complex, a joint inter-Korean economic project located in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (North Korea). The paper uses the theoretical framework of Social Constructivism to analyze the different ideas available in the political discourse of both actors with regards to North Korean policy in general and policy towards Kaesong specifically. The paper relates these ideas to the positions both actors have taken with regards to the inclusion of Kaesong products in the S. Korean-U.S. FTA.

Abstract The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the way George W. Bush used moral metaphors to intensify the language in his statements on Operation Iraqi Freedom. Three moral metaphors are presented within two different models that are applied on the data. The collected material for the metaphors is constituted of cognitive linguistic books from prominent linguists, such as George Lakoff, Alan Cruse and William Croft, and the data is collected from the official White House website. The scientific method used in this study has been qualitative text analysis where the hermeneutic approach has been an essential part of it. The main question: In what way did George W. Bush use moral metaphors in his statements to justify Operation Iraqi Freedom?, resulted in use of moral metaphors that sermons people’s moral values, depict Saddam Hussein’s characteristics as immoral, activate people’s moral priorities to help the Iraqi people, and addresses both conservatives and liberals in America. The conclusion of my study is that President Bush deliberately intensified the language in his statements through moral metaphors to justify Operation Iraqi Freedom. Keywords: Cognitive Linguistics, Metaphor, Figurative Language, Operation Iraqi Freedom, War on Terror, George W. Bush, Saddam Hussein, USA, Iraq, Qualitative Text Analysis, Hermeneutics.

This thesis is set out with the purpose to investigate the potential shifts in how victory is presented in the duration of contemporary conflicts. The argumentation is focused on how democratic states, involved in wars, seem to announce different statements regarding victory in its outreach to its inhabitants. This paper will study the case of the American administration of George W. Bush, who initiated and ruled during the first years in the Global War on Terror. By investigating the seven annual State of the Union speeches in a combined quantitative–qualitative method, with Martel’s theoretical framework on victory, the analysis searched after such potential shifts or static usage of the linguistics approach to victory. The answer to the stated research question according to the study conducted by this author is that the publicly announced implications of victory have been subjected to an ongoing shift during the examined time period.

The present work intends on analyzing the collection of communications and general data employed by public as well as private actors sustained during times of war on terror . In that regard, the issue of this research consists on conceiving an approach to account for those actors responsibility Nation-States along with private companies, both of which, in the context of law s internationalization and aided by the new information and communications technologies, violate Human Rights while claiming them to constitute antiterrorism strategies and policies. Concerning the methodology, classified as phenomenological-hermeneutical, it proceeds with a critical analysis of the International Criminal Court, Regional Justice Systems, and corresponding bibliography, aiming to diagnose what led the war on terror policies to shift towards the antagonist sentiment of a terror of war . Drawn from conclusion, the observed deviation seems to derive from the violations acted upon by the United States of America and its National Security Agency (NSA) which, while maintaining the pseudo-argument of war on terror , tampered communications between not only its own citizens and chiefs of government but also the ones from allied great powers. In accordance with that, and further critics that permeate the International Criminal Court since its creation, accused of being an eminently political entity in its decisions, ineffective in regards to the absence of coercion elements for its determinations, and even lacking in suitable answers to matters of global interest such as terrorism, drug traffic, and new rights transgressions derived from the internet network a revision of the Rome Statute is proposed upon the purpose of, if not to establish new crimes, provide a more autonomous concept of crimes against humanity against the ones of common violence. To that extension, the war on terror has been confirming some human rights freedom of communication and expression, and the right to privacy are also passive to non-violent restrictions. Therefore, it seems imperative to promote the dilation of the concept of crimes against humanity, howbeit being a juridical category, with the purpose as to encompass clandestine or covert violations which, in turn, are consistently promoted by the previously mentioned actors, Nation-States and private companies, namely Facebook and Google that respectively explore the social medias market and web search engines, just as well as VASTec, AT&T, and Amesys, specialized in mass communications interception. / A presente dissertação tem por escopo analisar o escrutínio de informações e comunicações praticado por atores públicos e privados em tempos de guerra ao terror . O problema de pesquisa se resume a pensar como é possível responsabilizar esses atores Estados-Nação e empresas do setor privado que, usando das facilidades técnicas proporcionadas pelas novas tecnologias de informação e comunicação, no contexto da internacionalização do direito, violam direitos humanos sob a justificativa de constituírem estratégias de políticas e práticas antiterror. No que diz respeito à metodologia, a pesquisa se classifica como fenomenológico-hermenêutica, procedendo-se com a análise crítica do Tribunal Penal Internacional e os Sistemas Regionais de Justiça, revisão e análises bibliográficas, no sentido de diagnosticar por que as políticas de guerra ao terror acabaram por se transvestir no antagônico sentimento de terror à guerra . Como efeito, a migração de um extremo a outro, ao que se concluiu, deriva especialmente das ações de violação praticadas pelos Estados Unidos da América e sua Agência Nacional de Segurança (NSA), que se valendo da pseudo-justificativa de guerra ao terror, violaram as comunicações de muitos cidadãos e chefes de Estado, inclusive os de potências aliadas. Em razão disso, bem como pelas demais críticas que, desde sua criação, ostenta o Tribunal Penal Internacional, acusado de ser um órgão eminentemente político, do ponto de vista de suas decisões, inefetivo, se analisada a ausência de elementos coercitivos ao cumprimento de suas determinações, e mesmo a falta de respostas adequadas a questões como de interesse global o terrorismo, tráfico de drogas e as novas formas de violação de direitos por meio da rede de computadores, por exemplo , é que se propõe a revisão do Estatuto de Roma para o fim de, senão criar novas espécies de tipos penais, ao menos autonomizar o conceito de crimes contra a humanidade de ações de violência típica. A política de guerra ao terror tem provado que alguns direitos humanos, tais qual o direito a comunicação e expressão e mesmo o direito à privacidade, também são passíveis de sofrerem restrições não violentas. Portanto, é fundamental que se promova o alargamento do conceito de crimes contra a humanidade enquanto categoria jurídica, para o fim de englobar também as violações ocorridas de maneira clandestina ou a paisana, diuturnamente executadas por atores tais como os Estados-Nação e mesmo empresas como Facebook e Google, que exploram, respectivamente, o mercado de redes sociais e de provedores de pesquisa, ou a VASTec, AT&T e Amesys, especializadas na interceptação de comunicações em massa.

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Som ett resultat av attackerna mot USA den 11 september 2001 förklarade dåvarande president George W Bush krig mot terrorismen den 20 september samma år. Sex dagar senare undertecknade Bush ett direktiv vilket auktoriserade den civila amerikanska underrättelsetjänsten Central Intelligence Agency att utföra riktat dödande mot fördefinierade individer i syftet att förhindra nya attacker från terroristnätverket Al Qaeda, talibanerna och associerade styrkor. Bush initierade det amerikanska bruket av så kallade ”drone strikes” i anslutning till krigsförklaringen med intentionen att eliminera misstänkta terrorister utan möjlighet till en rättvis rättegång, Obama-administrationen har valt att fortsätta utöva policyn. Syftet med studien är att fastställa huruvida USA:s juridiska rättfärdigande och bruk av folkrätt i relation till genomförandet av riktat dödande och användandet av obemannade luftfarkoster i kriget mot terrorismen kan betraktas vara förenligt med doktrinen för just war theory och gällande internationell rätt. Vidare undersöker studien effekterna av det amerikanska bruket av folkrätten i relation till civilbefolkningen och den internationella humanitära rätten. Relevant lagtext och krigsetikens sedvanerättsliga principer jämförs med USA:s bruk av folkrätt för att fastställa agerandets legalitet. Vidare påvisar studien att programmet för riktat dödande inte kan anses vara förenligt med just war theory och gällande internationell lag och att bruket av drönare hamnar i konflikt med gällande internationell rätt i relation till hur de används under kriget mot terrorismen. / As a result of the attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001 then President George W Bush declared a war on terror. Six days later, Bush signed a directive which authorized the Central Intelligence Agency to carry out targeted killings against predefined individuals with the purpose to prevent any future attacks from the terrorist network Al Qaeda, as well as the Taliban and associated forces. In conjunction with the declaration of war president Bush initiated the American practice of so-called "drone strikes" with the intention to eliminate suspected terrorists without access to a fair trial, the practice has continued under the mandate of the Obama-administration. The aim of this study is to examine whether the US legal justification for the use of targeted killings and unmanned aerial vehicles in the war against terrorism can be regarded as compatible with the doctrine of just war theory and applicable international law. Furthermore, the study examines the effects of the US practice on international humanitarian customary law in relation to the civilian population. The U.S. justification of targeted killing is compared with international law to determine the lawfulness from a legal perspective. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that the practice is not compatible with the doctrine of just war theory and applicable international law. The use of drones violates international customary law in relation to how they are used under the current conflict.

The aim of this thesis is to answer the question whether the U.S. policy on targeted killings with combat drones is compatible with the legal doctrine of just war theory, applicable international law, and human rights law. Moreover, this paper intends to examine the legal issues arising from the U.S. practice of international law in relation to the justification of targeted killings. The purpose of this thesis is to determine whether the practice of targeted killings can be considered lawful and, if not, to provide knowledge about how the method violates applicable international law and the ethics of war. The focus is placed on relevant treaties and customary international law, and just war theory is used as a theoretical complement to explain the meaning and purpose of selected laws in order to determine their applicability to the research problem. Furthermore, this procedure has been conducted by using a legal method to identify the legal problem and interpret relevant sources of law in order to determine their applicability to the research problem. The thesis has determined that the U.S. policy on targeted killings with combat drones is not consistent with applicable international law and fundamental human rights law. In particular, the practice of targeted killings violates the principle of distinction.

[ES] La presente investigación aborda la noción de terrorismo en relación con sus formas de representación. Así, partimos del supuesto de que, en cuanto a terrorismo se refiere, lenguaje e imagen, realidad y representación, no funcionan como esferas separadas, sino como terrenos sólo aparentemente fronterizos que se solapan, interaccionan y se condicionan entre sí. Aquí nos servimos del 11-S como acontecimiento singular a través del cual desentrañar el relato que circunda la idea de terrorismo; un relato que ha hecho de la imagen su principal herramienta discursiva y de la ficción su estrategia propagandística más eficaz. En otras palabras, podríamos decir que la narración post-11-S del terrorismo se ha basado en la explotación sin paliativos de su representación simplificada, atribuyendo a sus imágenes unos significados previamente estipulados e imponiendo un modelo explicativo que abandona por completo el empirismo y el estudio racional de los hechos. Si tradicionalmente el concepto de terrorismo se había definido, tanto histórica como jurídicamente, a través de una pretendida ambigüedad, tras el 11-S se extremó su indeterminación, ampliándolo sustancialmente e incidiendo en su característica carga emotiva. Por todo ello, en esta tesis doctoral ofrecemos tres aproximaciones diferentes al concepto de terrorismo, enunciadas desde el intrincado nexo que su violencia establece con las técnicas de representación. En la primera parte, mediante un análisis comparativo del 11-S, definimos el terrorismo como una estrategia de violencia política con intenciones comunicativas y simbólicas. En la segunda parte, reflexionamos en torno a la confluencia de distintos estilos de relato, creados todos ellos con afán de desactivación del contrarrelato que la acción terrorista introduce, describiendo el terrorismo como constructo mediático y como concepto narrativo. Finalmente, en la tercera parte, tratamos la noción de terrorismo como un relato de exterioridad, generado para expulsar la violencia inherente al propio Estado fuera del orden político. Cabe mencionar que, aunque tomemos el 11-S como punto de partida y caso de estudio, esta investigación no se circunscribe exclusivamente a este acontecimiento, sino que aborda la especificidad de la violencia terrorista a través del análisis de sus formas de representación con vistas a la extracción de unas conclusiones generales. La metodología de esta investigación es, por lo tanto, inductiva y su perspectiva es de carácter transdisciplinar, combinando la investigación teórico-práctica en artes, con la indagación filosófica o jurídica. De ello se deriva que las conclusiones extraídas a lo largo de esta tesis doctoral vengan determinadas tanto por la reflexión teórica como por la propia práctica artística. / [CA] La present investigació adreça la noció de terrorisme en relació amb les seues formes de representació. Així, partim del suposat que, pel que fa a terrorisme, llenguatge i imatge, realitat i representació, no funcionen com esferes separades, sinó com terrenys sols aparentment fronterers que no deixen de superposar-se, interaccionar o condicionar-se entre si. Ací ens fem servir de l'11-S com esdeveniment singular a través del qual desentranyar el relat que circumda la idea de terrorisme; un relat que ha fet de la imatge la seua principal ferramenta discursiva i de la ficció la seua estratègia propagandística més eficaç. En altres paraules, podríem dir que la narració post-11-S del terrorisme s'ha basat en l'explotació sense pal·liatius de la seua representació simplificada, atribuint a les seues imatges uns significats prèviament estipulats i imposant un model explicatiu que abandona per complet l'empirisme i l'estudi racional dels fets. Si tradicionalment el concepte de terrorisme s'havia definit, tant històrica com jurídicament, a través d'una pretesa ambigüitat, després de l'11-S es va extremar la seua indeterminació, ampliant-lo substancialment i incidint en la seua característica càrrega emotiva. Per tot això, en aquesta tesi doctoral oferim tres aproximacions diferents del concepte de terrorisme, enunciades des de l'intrincat nexe que la seua violència estableix amb les tècniques de representació. En la primera part, mitjançant una anàlisi comparativa de l'11-S, definim el terrorisme com una estratègia de violència política amb intencions comunicatives i simbòliques. En la segona part, reflexionem al voltant de la confluència de diferents estils de relat, creats tots ells amb l'afany de desactivació del contrarrelat que l'acció terrorista introdueix, descrivint el terrorisme com constructe mediàtic i com concepte narratiu. Finalment, en la tercera part, tractem la noció de terrorisme com un relat d'exterioritat, generat per expulsar la violència inherent al mateix Estat fora de l'ordre polític. Cal fer menció que, tot i que prenem l'11-S com un punt de partida i cas d'estudi, aquesta investigació no se circumscriu exclusivament a aquest esdeveniment, sinó que adreça l'especificitat de la violència terrorista a través de l'anàlisi de les seues formes de representació amb vista a l'extracció d'unes conclusions generals. La metodologia d'aquesta investigació és, per tant, inductiva i la seua perspectiva és de caràcter transdisciplinari, combinant la investigació teòric-pràctica en arts, amb la indagació filosòfica i jurídica. D'això es deriva que les conclusions extretes al llarg d'aquesta tesi doctoral vinguen determinades tant per la reflexió teòrica com per la pròpia pràctica artística. / [EN] This research addresses the notion of terrorism in relation to its forms of representation. Thus, we start from the assumption that, as far as terrorism is concerned, language and image, as well as reality and representation do not function as separate spheres, but as only seemingly borderline terrains that overlap, interact, and condition each other. In this thesis we use 9/11 as a singular event through which to unravel the narrative that surrounds the concept of terrorism; a narrative that has transformed image into its main discursive tool and fiction into its most effective propaganda strategy. In other words, one might say that the post 9/11 narrative of terrorism has been based on the unmitigated exploitation of its simplified representation, attributing previously stipulated meanings to its images and imposing an explanatory model that completely abandons empiricism and the rational study of the facts. The concept of terrorism had traditionally already been defined, both historically and legally, through a pretended ambiguity; however, its indeterminacy became even more extreme after 9/11, expanding substantially and stressing its characteristic emotional charge. For all these reasons, in this doctoral thesis I offer three different approaches to the concept of terrorism, articulated on the basis of the intricate nexus that its violence establishes with representation techniques. In the first part, through a comparative analysis of 9/11, I define terrorism as a strategy of political violence with communicative and symbolic intentions. In the second part, I reflect on the confluence of different narrative styles, all created with the aim of deactivating the counter-narrative that terrorist action introduces, describing terrorism as a media construct and a narrative concept. Finally, in the third part, I deal with the notion of terrorism as a narrative of exteriority, generated to dissociate the violence inherent to the State itself from the political order. It is worth noting that, although we take 9/11 as a starting point and case study, this research is not limited exclusively to this event, as it also addresses the specificity of terrorist violence through the analysis of its forms of representation with a view to drawing general conclusions. Thus, the methodology of this research is inductive and its perspective is transdisciplinary in nature, combining theoretical-practical research in the arts with philosophical or even legal investigations. The conclusions drawn throughout this doctoral thesis are consequently determined both by theoretical reflection and by the artistic practice itself. / Rial Zamudio, S. (2022). Terrorismo: relato y contrarrelato. Un estudio teórico-práctico a partir del imaginario surgido tras el 11-S [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/181577

Al Qaeda killings, posttraumatic stress, and the Gothic together triangulate a sizable space in recent American fiction that is still largely uncharted by critics. This thesis maps that shared territory in four novels written between 2005 and 2007 by writers who were born in America, and whose protagonists are the survivors in New York City after the World Trade Center falls. Published in the city of their tragedy and reviewed in its media, the novels surveyed here include Don DeLillo’s _Falling Man_ (2007), Jonathan Safran Foer’s _Extremely Loud and Incredibly Close_ (2005), Lynne Sharon Schwartz’s _The Writing on the Wall_ (2005), and Jess Walter’s _The Zero_ (2006). The thesis issues a challenge to the large number of negative and dismissive reviews of the novels under consideration, making a case that under different criteria, shaped by trauma theory and psychoanalysis, the novels succeed after all in making readers feel what it was to be alive in September 2001, enduring the posttraumatic stress for months and years later. The thesis asserts that 9/11 fiction is too commonly presented in popular journals and scholarly studies as an undifferentiated mass. In the same critical piece a journalist or an academic may evaluate narratives in which unfold a terrorist's point of view, a surviving or a dying New York City victim's perspective, and an outsider's reaction set thousands of miles away from Ground Zero. What this thesis argues for is a separation in study of the fictive strands that meditate on the burning towers, treating the New York City survivor story as a discrete body. Despite their being set in one of the most known cities of the Western world, and the terrorist attack that they depict being the most- watched catastrophe ever experienced in real-time before, these fictions have not yet been critically ordered. Charting the salient reappearing conflicts, unsettling descriptions, protagonist decay, and potent techniques for registering horror that resurface in this New York City 9/11 fiction, this thesis proposes and demonstrates how the peculiar and affecting Gothic tensions in the works can be further understood by trauma theory, a term coined by Cathy Caruth in Unclaimed Experience (1996: 72). Though the thesis concentrates on developments in trauma theory from the mid 1990s to 2015, it also addresses its theoretical antecedents: from the earliest voices in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries that linked mental illness to a trauma (Charcot, Janet, Breuer, Freud), to researchers from mid-twentieth century (Adler, Lindemann) who studied how catastrophe affects civilian minds not previously trained to either fight war or withstand cataclysm. Always keeping at the fore the ancient Greek double-meaning of trauma as both unhealing “wound” and “defeat,” the thesis surveys tenets of the trauma theorists from the very first of those who studied the effects on civilian survivors of disaster (of what is still the largest nightclub fire in U.S. history, which replaced front page coverage of World War II for a few days: the Cocoanut Grove blaze in Boston, 1942) up to those theorists writing in 2015. The concepts evolving behind trauma theory, this thesis demonstrates, provide a useful mechanism to discuss the surprising yearnings hiding behind the appearance of doppelgängers, possession ghosts, terrorists as monsters, empty coffins, and visitants that appear to feed on characters’ sorrow, guilt, and loneliness within the novels under discussion. This thesis reappraises the dominant idea in trauma studies of the mid-1990s, namely that trauma victims often cannot fully remember and articulate their physical and psychic wounds. The argument here is that, true to the theories of the Caruthian school, the victims in these novels may not remember and express their trauma completely and in a linear fashion. However, the victims figured in these novels do relate the horrors of their memory to a degree by letting their narration erupt with the unexpectedly Gothic images, tropes, visions, language, and typical contradictions, aporias, lacunae, and paradoxes. The Gothic, one might say, becomes the language in which trauma speaks and articulates itself, albeit not always in the most cogent of signs. One might easily dismiss these fleeting Gothic presences that characters conjure in the fictions under consideration as anomalous apparitions signalling nothing. However, this thesis interrogates these ghostly traces of Gothicism to find what secrets they hold. Working from the insights of psychoanalysis and its post-Freudian re-inventers and challengers, it aims to puzzle out the dimensions of characters’ mourning in its “traumagothic” reading of the texts. Characters’ use of the Gothic becomes their way of remembering, a coded language to the curious. This thesis holds that unexpressed grief and guilt are the large constant in this grouping of novels. Characters’ grief articulation and guilt release, or the desire for symbolic amnesia, take paths that the figures often were suspicious of before 9/11: a return to organized religion, a belief in spirits, a call for vengeance, psychotherapy, substance abuse, splitting with a partner, rampant sex with nearby strangers, torture of suspects, and killing. All the earnest attempts through the above means by the characters to express grief, vent rage, and alleviate survivor guilt do so without noticeable success. True closure towards their trauma is largely a myth. No reliable evidence surfaces from the close reading of the texts that those affected by trauma ever fully recover. However, as this thesis demonstrates, other forms of recompense come from these searches for elusive peace and the nostalgic longing for the America that has been lost to them.