Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Engajado no exercício de uma prática cinematográfica que objetiva denunciar os males da opressão, Glauber Rocha adquiriu prestígio internacional com uma produção marcada por dimensões políticas. Analisar os atributos políticos e estéticos presentes em O leão de sete cabeças, filmado no Congo, em 1969, é a proposta deste trabalho. No filme, ao discutir a questão colonialista na África, o cineasta criticou a espoliação decorrente dos séculos de colonização e estabeleceu o elogio das lutas de libertação nacional no continente. Ademais, o artista questionou as noções de civilizado e bárbaro ao pôr em ação a idéia de realizar um cinema voltado ao Terceiro Mundo. / Engaged in the exercise of a practice that aims denounce the evils of oppression, Glauber Rocha gained international prestige with a production marked by political dimensions. To analyze the attributes politicians and aesthetic gifts in O leão de sete cabeças, filmed in the Congo, in 1969, is the proposal of this work. In the film, to discuss the issue colonialist in Africa, the filmmaker criticized the despoliation resulting from centuries on the colonization and established the praise of struggles for national liberation on the continent. Moreover, the artist questioned the notions of civilized and barbarian to put into action the idea of doing a cinema dedicated to the Third World.

Submitted by Marlene Santos (marlene.bc.ufg@gmail.com) on 2016-09-09T20:34:24Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Fagner Enrique Fonseca de Oliveira - 2016.pdf: 2373277 bytes, checksum: 85b8655aac9744dc9e614ca81181969f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2016-09-12T14:22:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Fagner Enrique Fonseca de Oliveira - 2016.pdf: 2373277 bytes, checksum: 85b8655aac9744dc9e614ca81181969f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-12T14:22:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Fagner Enrique Fonseca de Oliveira - 2016.pdf: 2373277 bytes, checksum: 85b8655aac9744dc9e614ca81181969f (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This research has as its object Mário Pedrosa's political work from 1925 to 1966. The study makes use of the theoretical and methodological model proposed by João Bernardo, and follows Pedrosa's course through several social groups, seeking to understand the intellectual evolution of the author from the ideologies expressed by such groups. The work's objective is to present and provide an explanation to Pedrosa's transition from proletarian internationalism to the Third World nationalism. That explanation centers on the author's institutional trajectory, first through social groups linked to the working class, then through social groups linked to various classes, which is interpreted as the gateway to the Third World nationalism. This study comes to fill a gap in academic research on the author, bringing unknown writings from Pedrosa, mostly from the 1950's, that set him within the field of Brazilian anti-imperialist nationalism, alongside intellectuals linked for instance to the ISEB and other institutions. Pedrosa is best known for his trajectory within the ambit of the arts, the ambit of culture. And his best known political work, and for there is a satisfactory historiographic production, is that one of the 1920's. Thus, through this thesis, we intend to present an intellectual evolution that is unknown in the academic ambit. / Esta pesquisa tem como objeto a obra política de Mário Pedrosa de 1925 a 1966. O estudo faz uso do modelo teórico-metodológico proposto por João Bernardo, e acompanha o percurso de Pedrosa por diversos grupos sociais, buscando compreender a evolução intelectual do autor a partir das ideologias expressas por tais grupos. O objetivo da obra é apresentar e fornecer uma explicação para a transição de Pedrosa do internacionalismo proletário para o nacionalismo terceiro-mundista. Essa explicação é centrada na trajetória institucional do autor, primeiro passando por grupos sociais vinculados à classe trabalhadora, depois passando por grupos sociais vinculados a várias classes, o que é interpretado como a porta de entrada para o nacionalismo terceiro-mundista. Este estudo vem para preencher uma lacuna na produção acadêmica sobre o autor, trazendo textos desconhecidos da autoria de Pedrosa, sobretudo dos anos 1950, que o situam no campo do nacionalismo anti-imperialista brasileiro, ao lado de intelectuais vinculados por exemplo ao ISEB e outras instituições. Pedrosa é mais conhecido por sua trajetória no âmbito das artes, no âmbito da cultura. E sua obra política mais conhecida, e para a qual há uma historiografia satisfatória, é a dos anos 1920. Assim, por meio desta dissertação, pretendemos apresentar uma evolução intelectual desconhecida no âmbito acadêmico.

The purpose of my dissertation was to examine the competition between the U.S.-led Western bloc and the Soviet bloc in the less developed world during Détente. I assessed whether or not the Soviet bloc pushed for strategic gains in the less developed world in the middle-to-late 1970’s and whether this contributed to the U.S. decision to abandon Détente in 1979. I made the attempt to test the international relations theory of balance of threat realism (Walt, 1992). I accomplished the test in two ways. First, I measured the foreign aid allocations (military and economic) made by each respective bloc towards the Third World by using a quantitative approach. Second, I examined U.S. archives using the process-tracing/historical method. The U.S. archives gave me the ability to evaluate how U.S. decision-makers and U.S. intelligence agencies interpreted the actions of the Soviet bloc. They also gave me the chance to examine the U.S. response as we evaluated the policies that were pushed by key U.S. decision-makers and intelligence agencies. On the question of whether or not the Soviet bloc was aggressive, the quantitative evidence suggested that it was not. Instead, the evidence found the Western-bloc to have been more aggressive in the less developed world. The U.S. archives also showed Soviet actions to have been defensive. Key U.S. decision-makers and intelligence agencies attested to this. Finally, the archives show that U.S. officials pushed for aggressive actions against the Third World during the final years of Détente. Thus, balance of threat realism produced an incorrect assessment that U.S. aggression in the late 1970’s was a response to Soviet aggression during Détente. The evidence suggests structural Marxism and domestic politics can better explain U.S./Western actions. The aggressive foreign aid allocations of the West, coupled with evidence of U.S. decision-makers/agencies vehemently concerned about the long-term prospects of the West, strengthened structural Marxism. Domestic politics can also claim to explain the actions of U.S. decision-makers. I found extensive archival evidence of bureaucratic inter-agency conflict between the State Department and other intelligence agencies in areas of strategic concern to the U.S.

This MA thesis examines the decision-making capacity of young women married during adolescence within the context of their sexual and reproductive health in an urban ghetto in the city of Ahmedabad, India. Specifically, the development literature on married female adolescents (MFAs) is characterized by negative health indicators such as higher rates of unwanted pregnancies, reproductive tract infections, sexually transmitted diseases, high infant and maternal mortality and morbidity coupled with the phenomenon of early marriage, poverty and an overall lower social status. The result is a disempowering discourse that constructs and presents them as powerless victims who lack any decision-making capacity and are perpetually oppressed. This research is an effort to move the discussions of “Other third world women” outside the realm of victimization by challenging and destabilizing this disempowering, hegemonic discourse. We must ask what does decision making look like for these women, as exercised within the context of their sexual and reproductive health. This qualitative analysis is informed by primary research through focus groups and semi-structured interviews with young married women, and was conducted with the help of a local NGO, Mahila Patchwork Co-operative Society. The study provides insights on the young married women’s participation and role in determining their own health outcomes (negative and positive) to better inform programs and services offered by the community NGOs.

The challenging living conditions of many Senegalese families, and the absence of a providing spouse, have led women to covet new economic opportunities, such as microcredit loans. These loans offer Senegalese women the possibility to financially support their households and become active participants in their economies by starting or sustaining their micro businesses. The study takes place in Grand-Yoff, an overpopulated peri-urban area of the Senegalese capital city Dakar, where most people face daily survival issues. This research examines the impact of microcredit activities in the household of Senegalese female loan recipients in Grand-Yoff by examining socio-economic indicators, in particular outcomes of health, education and nutrition. The research total sample is constituted of 166 female participants who engage in microcredit activities. The research combines both qualitative and quantitative methods. Data for the study were gathered through interviews, surveys, participant observation, focus-groups with the study participants and some of their household members, and document analysis. While some women in the study make steady profits from their business activities, others struggle to make ends meet from their businesses’ meager or unreliable profits. Some study participants who are impoverished have no choice but to invest their loans directly into their households’ dire needs, hence missing their business prerogative. Many women in the study end up in a vicious cycle of debt by defaulting on their loans or making late payments because they do not have the required household and socio-economic conditions to take advantage of these loans. Therefore, microcredit does not make a significant impact in the households of the poorest female participants. The study finds that microcredit improves the household well-being - especially nutrition, health and education - of the participants who have acquired significant social capital such as a providing spouse, formal education, training, business experience, and belonging to business or social networks. The study finds that microcredit’s household impact is intimately tied to the female borrowers’ household conditions and social capital. It is recommended that microcredit services and programs offer their female clients assistance and additional basic services, financial guidance, lower interest rates, and flexible repayment schedules.

Thesis advisor: James E. Cronin / Thesis advisor: Seth Jacobs / Under the banner of a New International Economic Order (NIEO), in the 1970s a coalition of developing countries forced the U.S. and other rich nations to revisit the terms of the post-World War II economic settlement through comprehensive global negotiations. This dissertation argues that this economic showdown reshaped U.S. foreign policy and made global inequality a major threat to American national security. Using newly available sources from presidential libraries, the personal papers of cabinet members and ambassadors, and interviews with former National Security Council officials, it demonstrates how the NIEO and accompanying “North-South dialogue” negotiations became an inflection point for some of the greatest economic, political, and moral crises of the 1970s, including the end of “Golden Age” liberalism and the return of the market, the splintering of the Democratic Party and the building of the Reagan coalition, and the role of human rights in foreign policy. U.S. policy debates and decisions in the North-South dialogue, it concludes, were pivotal moments in the histories of three ideological trends—neoliberalism, neoconservatism, and human rights—that would form the core of America’s post-Cold War foreign policy. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2018. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

Deleuze launches his description/prediction of the emergence and imminent consolidation of the society of control as a postscript. The text thus announces itself as an afterthought, a supplement appended to some complete larger textual body, from which it is, however, unmoored as it is launched as an independent self-standing text that, moreover, does not indicate to what it is an addendum but instead, on what it speaks. By this token, the Postscript unhinges the conventional notion according to which a supplement signals “the addition of something to an already complete entity” (Attridge 1992: 77). By marking his text as the adjunct to an absent main body, Deleuze appears to concede and at the same time emphatically embrace the necessary incompleteness of this short précis on the post-disciplinary regime. My argument in the following will be that the supplementary status of the Postscript does not so much signal some subversive or dissident gesture in the name of the minor or the molecular (even though it does that, too); instead, it primarily serves to keep at bay and contain an exteriority that it aims to ‘confine by exclusion’1; and that exteriority, I will argue, is the Third World.

No description available.

This study will provide a clearer understanding of the construct, Third World, which may not seem to have a consensus meaning. This is because its perceived definition, which is linked, first to feudalism and then to the socio-politico conditions that existed during the period leading up to and immediately after the cold war means that its conceptual metamorphosis should have ceased once these periods were relegated to the annals of history. Whether and how contemporary definitions of Third World have changed since then should be of interest to scholars and is the focus of this study. This is because anecdotally speaking the media have reframed this construct in a manner that recreates, so called, Third World nations into the three categories of very Third World, somewhat Third World, and not at all Third World. What this study reveals, however, is that these distinctions and to some extent the designations of nations as first, second, and third worlds are misleading colloquialisms.

[pt] O que explica a persistência da nação como objeto central de identificação no Irã durante as décadas de 1960 e 1970? Como podemos entender o apelo e a difusão do nacionalismo quando ele pode significar simultaneamente um caminho e uma armadilha para a descolonização, como advertiu Fanon? Esta tese aborda algumas dessas questões em relação ao nacionalismo anticolonial no Irã, suas possibilidades políticas, fantasias e desejos decoloniais. Discuto como três figuras articularam discursos de libertação nacional que mobilizaram diferentes apegos com a nação no Irã pré-1979, tentando compreender o que essas relações afetivas com o nacionalismo forneciam como imaginário político e subjetividade. Através de um referencial psicanalítico apoiado nas teorias de Jacques Lacan e Frantz Fanon, analiso os escritos de Jalal Al-e Ahmad, Ali Shariati e Forugh Farrokhzad para apreender os ritmos e texturas de gozo (jouissance) esses imaginários assumiram enquanto eram constituídos discursivamente em torno de significantes e identificações específicos, como nacionalismo, terceiro-mundismo e o Islã. Esta dissertação emprega uma análise emocional de discurso para avaliar os significados que a consciência nacional iraniana evocou na forma de desejos e fantasias de libertação e descolonização. Assim, também pretendo reconhecer e discutir os emaranhados transnacionais e as conexões simbólicas que algumas dessas figuras iranianas articularam no Terceiro Mundo, posicionando-as em uma infraestrutura de conectividade anticolonial e mostrando como elas estão em dívida com a teoria e a práxis de outros movimentos, intelectuais e lutas. / [en] What accounts for the persistence of the nation as a central object of identification in Iran during the 1960s and 1970s? How can we understand the appeal and pervasiveness of nationalism when it simultaneously could signify one path to and a pitfall of decolonization, as Fanon warned? This thesis addresses some of these questions in relation to anticolonial nationalism in Iran, its political possibilities, decolonial fantasies, and desires. I discuss how three figures articulated discourses of national liberation which mobilized different attachments to the nation in pre-1979 Iran, attempting to understand what these affective relations with nationalism provided as political imaginary and subjectivity. Through a psychoanalytical framework rested on the theories of Jacques Lacan and Frantz Fanon, I analyze the writings of Jalal Al-e Ahmad, Ali Shariati, and Forugh Farrokhzad to grasp the rhythms and textures of enjoyment those imaginaries assumed while being discursively constituted around specific signifiers and identifications, such as nationalism, Third Worldism, and Islam. This thesis relies on emotional discourse analysis to assess the meanings Iranian national consciousness evoked in the form of desires and fantasies of liberation and decolonization. Thus, I also aim to acknowledge and discuss the transnational entanglements and symbolic connections some of these Iranian figures articulated within the Third World, positioning them in an infrastructure of anticolonial connectivity and showing how they are in debt to the theory and praxis of other movements, intellectuals, and struggles.