Since then, the modern technology and its achievements has served the nature of trade to begin with, the middle class asks, whose core forms the hand worker movement, as the center of interest for science and politics. A craftsman movement, which is since 1848 rolling along, is today still not ended and the movement still exists and is alive. The hand worker asks, who arose to 1848 to meet, the chronic suffers who became so for decades. The physician, who saw a chronic person, can usually indicate not alone by looking at on welfare. One must look at the developing story for Evil and his life story to know the patient, in order to point to a way to recovery.More over the craftsmen and the craftsmen movement spoken about daily, indicated, in order to find a symptom, which makes itself too faulty in the given instant to be disturbingly most valid, is written to cure and to leave. A detailed connection, an end representation of the craftsmen movement is, however, up to the hour still not finished.In the following still the attempt of such a representation is to be made, for the too the period of 1848/1869.Our sources are particularly purely beside from national commission collections and congresses, are from the Craftsman, who are the other persons, who wanted to take position in the problem of the Craftsman or had daily papers, magazines and books, which are dedicated partly to individual branches of industry, partly the entire Handwork industry of the individual country. In addition to the facts, which follow from flight writings and from one-sided combat literature, come one sided in the pursuit of religion and on politics.An important source in the history of the Handworker Movement must be the legislation. As soon as the craftsmen movement forms, they accepted the seriously public damage the government issuing a new law could bring, an order in such a way could pour Oil onto the waves. The relation between cause and effect between the particulars far the craftsman movement can never clearly completely be, when a factor this important is let out. But not only the finished industrial law, also its developing story and its motives must be regarded, in order that the movement of the German Handwork Movement be completely known.

Le Parti des Travailleurs brésilien constitue une expérience marquante de construction d’un parti de gauche et de masse. Quand il nait en 1980, beaucoup se posent la question de sa nature. En 2002, quand Lula devient président du Brésil, cette question ne mérite sans doute plus la même réponse. Le PT s’est bureaucratisé, institutionnalisé et professionnalisé. Il a connu une sorte de social-démocratisation accélérée. L’étude part des spécificités du mouvement ouvrier, du syndicalisme et de la dictature (1964-1985) au Brésil. Le PT nait en 1979-80, de grandes luttes sociales, autour des syndicalistes « authentiques » (dont Lula) ; de la gauche catholique ; de militants d’extrême gauche; de l’intelligentsia de gauche ; des élus « progressistes ». Dès ses débuts, le parti s’implante dans la classe ouvrière industrielle, le secteur tertiaire (banques en particulier), les quartiers populaires, et une partie des campagnes. Le PT des années 1980 est militant, dans l’opposition sociale et politique. Après l’élection présidentielle de 1989, ratée de peu par Lula, le PT change : l’opposition parlementaire remplace la rupture; des dirigeants professionnels laissent moins de place à la base militante ; l’antilibéralisme se substitue à l’anticapitalisme; les alliances s’étendent toujours plus au centre. Jusqu’à 2001, le PT reste opposé aux politiques néolibérales. Mais le grand tournant aura lieu avec la campagne présidentielle de 2002. Le programme du parti connait une « dé-radicalisation » progressive, étudiée à travers cinq aspects significatifs du socialisme pétiste. L’étude des contenus et des styles de 4 campagnes présidentielles, de 1989 à 2002, complète ces conclusions. / The Brazilian Workers’ Party (PT) is an outstanding experience of a left-wing mass party. When it was born in 1980, many people wondered about its nature. In 2002, when Lula became the President of Brazil, this question did not deserve the same answer. The PT became bureaucratic, institutional and professional, experiencing a sort of accelerated Social-Democratization. As its starting point, this study takes the specificities of labour movement, trade unionism and the dictatorship (1964-1985) in Brazil. The PT originated in 1979-80 from mass social struggles around “authentic” trade unionists (such as Lula), left-wing Catholics, far-left activists, the left-wing intelligentsia and some “progressive” elected representatives. From the outset, the party established itself among the industrial working class, the tertiary sector (particularly the banking sector); in working-class neighbourhoods and some rural areas. The PT in the 1980s was militant, in the social and political opposition. After the 1989 presidential election narrowly missed by Lula, the PT changed: parliamentary opposition replaced the project of a clear social and political break; professional politicians left less room to the rank and file; opposing neo-liberalism took the place of anti-capitalism; its alliances increasingly broadened towards the centre. Until 2001, the PT opposed neoliberal policies. Yet the major turning point was to come with the 2002 presidential campaign. The party programme went through a gradual de-radicalization studied through 5 significant aspects of the Petista socialism. The study of contents and styles of 4 presidential campaigns from 1989 to 2002 completes these conclusions

O objetivo central desta tese é estudar o percurso artístico e intelectual de Leon Hirszman a partir dos filmes Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979- 90) e Eles não usam black-tie (1981). Discutindo as relações entre cinema e História, a pesquisa se concentra nas práticas culturais, estéticas e ideológicas do realizador, procurando analisar as interpretações que ele mobilizou em torno do Brasil durante a vigência do regime militar. A despeito de Hirszman ter consolidado a sua trajetória como integrante do Cinema Novo, questão que percorre as páginas deste doutorado, propõe-se também uma aproximação entre a sua obra e o projeto dramatúrgico construído por autores oriundos do Teatro de Arena. Na década de 1970, face à crise que se instalou no campo cultural da esquerda, em especial o colapso da crença revolucionária anterior a 1964 e o refluxo da leitura do povo como vanguarda heroica para uma transformação do mundo, o cineasta se aproximaria do revisionismo artístico proposto, principalmente, por Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes e Vianinha. Mantendo em seus filmes uma abordagem politizada da classe popular, sem abdicar da figura do intelectual como mediador de denúncias contra a ditadura, o diretor se voltaria para uma produção em sintonia com o viés comunista de engajamento, em diálogo com a tradição do realismo crítico e disposta a elaborar narrativas e registros documentais em confronto ao autoritarismo dos militares. Nesse sentido, mesmo sem partilhar do ideário do novo sindicalismo surgido sobretudo entre os metalúrgicos da cidade paulista de São Bernardo do Campo, Hirszman deslocaria a figura do operário para o centro do processo criativo de ABC da greve e de Black-tie, representando-o em uma chave próxima à resistência articulada pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), na qual o trabalhador seria visto como parte de uma ampla frente organizada para superar a ditadura e atuar em prol da redemocratização. Uma obra realizada com o intuito de responder aos dilemas sociais de seu contexto histórico, a propor uma abordagem particular sobre a classe popular e a militância antiautoritária, a partir de leituras e experiências estéticas construídas em meio aos impasses que percorreram a esquerda política e cultural na segunda metade dos anos 1970. / The main goal of this thesis is to study Leon Hirszman\'s artistic and intellectual trajectory through the films Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979-90) and They don\'t wear black-tie (1981). Discussing the relation between film and History, the research concentrates itself on the cultural, aesthetic and ideological practices of the director, aiming to analyze his interpretations about Brazil during its military dictatorship. Despite Hirszman\'s consolidated career as a member of the Cinema Novo movement, issue that is described during this doctoral thesis, it also proposes an approach of his work with the dramaturgical project originated by authors from the Teatro de Arena. On the 1970\'s, in virtue of the crisis installed in the left wing\'s cultural sphere, specially the collapse of the revolutionary belief preceding 1964 and the retrocession of the interpretation placing the people as the heroic vanguard leading a structural transformation, the filmmaker would court the artistic revisionism proposed by Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes and Vianinha. Maintaining a politicized approach about the popular class on his films, without abdicating the image of the intellectual as a mediator of denounces against the dictatorship, the director would proceed to a production in tune with the communist\'s active participation project, establishing a dialogue with the tradition of critical realism, willing to elaborate narratives and documental registers confronting with the authoritarian way of the military. In this sense, even without sharing the ideology originated from the newly born trade unionism, especially among the steelworkers from São Bernardo do Campo\'s city, Hirszman shifted the figure of the worker, making it the core of the creative process of ABC da greve and Black-tie. In these movies, it was represented as a key-piece close to the resistance articulated by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in which it was seen as part of a large front, organized to overcome the military regime and act in favor of the country\'s redemocratization. A work realized with the intention of responding to the social dilemmas of its time, proposing a singular approach about the popular class and the anti-authoritarian militancy, originating interpretations and aesthetic experiences constructed among conflicts that filled the left-wing politic and cultural manifestations on the second half of the seventies.

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O objetivo central desta tese é estudar o percurso artístico e intelectual de Leon Hirszman a partir dos filmes Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979- 90) e Eles não usam black-tie (1981). Discutindo as relações entre cinema e História, a pesquisa se concentra nas práticas culturais, estéticas e ideológicas do realizador, procurando analisar as interpretações que ele mobilizou em torno do Brasil durante a vigência do regime militar. A despeito de Hirszman ter consolidado a sua trajetória como integrante do Cinema Novo, questão que percorre as páginas deste doutorado, propõe-se também uma aproximação entre a sua obra e o projeto dramatúrgico construído por autores oriundos do Teatro de Arena. Na década de 1970, face à crise que se instalou no campo cultural da esquerda, em especial o colapso da crença revolucionária anterior a 1964 e o refluxo da leitura do povo como vanguarda heroica para uma transformação do mundo, o cineasta se aproximaria do revisionismo artístico proposto, principalmente, por Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes e Vianinha. Mantendo em seus filmes uma abordagem politizada da classe popular, sem abdicar da figura do intelectual como mediador de denúncias contra a ditadura, o diretor se voltaria para uma produção em sintonia com o viés comunista de engajamento, em diálogo com a tradição do realismo crítico e disposta a elaborar narrativas e registros documentais em confronto ao autoritarismo dos militares. Nesse sentido, mesmo sem partilhar do ideário do novo sindicalismo surgido sobretudo entre os metalúrgicos da cidade paulista de São Bernardo do Campo, Hirszman deslocaria a figura do operário para o centro do processo criativo de ABC da greve e de Black-tie, representando-o em uma chave próxima à resistência articulada pelo Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), na qual o trabalhador seria visto como parte de uma ampla frente organizada para superar a ditadura e atuar em prol da redemocratização. Uma obra realizada com o intuito de responder aos dilemas sociais de seu contexto histórico, a propor uma abordagem particular sobre a classe popular e a militância antiautoritária, a partir de leituras e experiências estéticas construídas em meio aos impasses que percorreram a esquerda política e cultural na segunda metade dos anos 1970. / The main goal of this thesis is to study Leon Hirszman\'s artistic and intellectual trajectory through the films Que país é este? (1976-77), ABC da greve (1979-90) and They don\'t wear black-tie (1981). Discussing the relation between film and History, the research concentrates itself on the cultural, aesthetic and ideological practices of the director, aiming to analyze his interpretations about Brazil during its military dictatorship. Despite Hirszman\'s consolidated career as a member of the Cinema Novo movement, issue that is described during this doctoral thesis, it also proposes an approach of his work with the dramaturgical project originated by authors from the Teatro de Arena. On the 1970\'s, in virtue of the crisis installed in the left wing\'s cultural sphere, specially the collapse of the revolutionary belief preceding 1964 and the retrocession of the interpretation placing the people as the heroic vanguard leading a structural transformation, the filmmaker would court the artistic revisionism proposed by Gianfrancesco Guarnieri, Paulo Pontes and Vianinha. Maintaining a politicized approach about the popular class on his films, without abdicating the image of the intellectual as a mediator of denounces against the dictatorship, the director would proceed to a production in tune with the communist\'s active participation project, establishing a dialogue with the tradition of critical realism, willing to elaborate narratives and documental registers confronting with the authoritarian way of the military. In this sense, even without sharing the ideology originated from the newly born trade unionism, especially among the steelworkers from São Bernardo do Campo\'s city, Hirszman shifted the figure of the worker, making it the core of the creative process of ABC da greve and Black-tie. In these movies, it was represented as a key-piece close to the resistance articulated by the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), in which it was seen as part of a large front, organized to overcome the military regime and act in favor of the country\'s redemocratization. A work realized with the intention of responding to the social dilemmas of its time, proposing a singular approach about the popular class and the anti-authoritarian militancy, originating interpretations and aesthetic experiences constructed among conflicts that filled the left-wing politic and cultural manifestations on the second half of the seventies.