Partant d’un contexte théorique en trois axes : sociologiques, socio discursif et analytique, la thèse s’appuie sur l’utilisation concurrente et complémentaire de quatre logiciels d’analyse textuelle et sur l’analyse de discours. Son originalité tient de sa double appartenance disciplinaire sociologique et des sciences du langage. L’hypothèse principale est que les changements de l’organisation sociale découlant de la mise en place d’institutions européennes influencent le discours et l’identité syndicale. Une analyse diachronique montre le rapport des syndicats français à la réalité européenne. Le corpus de plus d’un million de mots est dérivé des travaux de l’équipe de Maurice Tournier de l’École normale supérieure de St-Cloud durant les années 1980 et de textes contemporains tous issus des congrès confédéraux de quatre organisations syndicales françaises : CFDT, CFTC, CGT, CGT-FO. Les corpus sont partitionnés sur une base confédérale et en fonction d’une périodisation. Les hypothèses posées au départ, d’ordre lexical, sémantique ou spécifique, concernent l’expression identitaire dans le discours syndical et supposent des changements lexicaux. Les premiers résultats n’allaient pas dans leur sens, mais la posture analytique adoptée en a permis une vérification partielle. La problématique européenne n’occupe pas tout l’espace des relations professionnelles et de classes en France. Le mouvement syndical délègue son droit de représentation et de négociation au niveau européen, à la CES. La question identitaire qui émerge au niveau du discours de 1945 à 1960 a surtout un caractère national. S’en suit une recherche identitaire qui favorise l’émergence d’une identité européenne. / Starting from a tripartite theoretical context, including sociological, sociodiscursive, and analytical aspects, this dissertation relies on the concurrent and complementary use of four textual analysis software packages, as well as discourse analysis. Its originality lies in its bidisciplinary nature, drawing from the fields of sociology and the language sciences. The main hypothesis is that changes in social organization resulting from the establishment of European institutions influence discourse and trade union identity. A diachronic analysis shows the relationship of French trade unions to the European reality. The corpus of over one million words is derived from the work of the research team of Maurice Tournier at the École normale supérieure in St-Cloud undertaken during the 1980’s and from contemporary texts which are all drawn from the congresses of four French trade unions: CFDT, CFTC, CGT, CGT-FO. The corpora are partitioned according to confederation and as a function of time period. The hypotheses posited at the beginning, of a lexical, semantic, or specific nature, concern the expression of identity in trade union discourse, and they suppose lexical changes. The initial results did not necessarily support them, but the analytical posture adopted has allowed a partial verification of them. The European issue does not occupy the whole space of profession and class relations in France. The trade union movement delegates its right of representation and negotiation at the European level to the ETUC. The identity question that emerges at the level of discourse from 1945 to 1960 is primarily of a national nature. What follows is a pursuit of self-definition that favours the emerges of a European identity.

Submitted by Valquíria Barbieri (kikibarbi@hotmail.com) on 2017-07-26T22:25:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 _DISS_2014_Eder Carlos Cardoso Diniz.pdf: 1708204 bytes, checksum: df43e96938ad7551d069635e2d730778 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jordan (jordanbiblio@gmail.com) on 2017-08-01T12:04:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 _DISS_2014_Eder Carlos Cardoso Diniz.pdf: 1708204 bytes, checksum: df43e96938ad7551d069635e2d730778 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-01T12:04:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 _DISS_2014_Eder Carlos Cardoso Diniz.pdf: 1708204 bytes, checksum: df43e96938ad7551d069635e2d730778 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-21 / Cada vez mais as pesquisas na área da educação e formação do professor têm se preocupado em investigar, sob diversas perspectivas, a formação sindical e política do professor. A pesquisa tem como objetivo averiguar qual o papel do sindicato na formação política do sindicalista professor, que atua na escola pública e como esse professor percebe seu envolvimento e compromisso junto às questões políticas que envolvem a formação. Ancorada na abordagem qualitativa, a análise adota, como instrumentos de coleta de dados, o levantamento bibliográfico, as observações participantes, cadernos de formação, documentos quantitativos do sindicato, entrevistas narrativas junto aos principais líderes sindicais e aos professores sindicalizados que atuam em sala de aula. Por meio de registros de observação participante e da análise documental, a investigação apoiou-se na leitura dos registros, nos dados na legislação e na história do SINTEP/MT. As questões que fomentaram a pesquisa foram: Como a formação político-sindical tem contribuído para a constituição da identidade docente do professor sindicalista na escola pública? Quais as suas influências nas práticas dos sindicalistas professores junto ao coletivo da escola? A formação político-sindical tem contribuído para a constituição da identidade docente do professor sindicalista na escola pública em Mato Grosso? Ficou evidente na presente pesquisa que, desde sua fundação, o Sindicato dos Trabalhadores no Ensino Público de Mato Grosso – SINTEP/MT – preocupou-se com a formação política e sindical de seus filiados. Essa preocupação consubstanciou-se numa política de formação modelo no país, devido ao programa adotado e ao material produzido, sendo este, atualmente, de uso nacional, constituindo-se nos cadernos de formação da Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores em Educação – CNTE. Nesse cenário de programa e produção de material, percebeu-se, no interior do SINTEP/MT, que a participação dos sindicalistas faz a diferença quando integrados ao ambiente da escola, pois é perceptível a atuação dos sindicalizados na luta por melhores condições de educação e intervenção em defesa da melhoria da educação pública em Mato Grosso. / There are more and more research in the teacher’s education area and vocational training has been concerned investigating under assorted perspectives meanly in Union training and teacher’s policy. The present research has the objective of explore what role the Union on political formation of trade unionist, teacher who acts in public school and how this teacher realizes his involvement and commitment by the political issues relating with the formation. Anchored in the qualitative approach the research adopts as data collection instruments the bibliographic survey, participating observations, analysis in the notebooks’ formation of SINTEP/MT and Union’s quantitative documents. Also have interviews with the main narratives Union leaders and teachers who work in the classroom and are unionized. Through records of participant observation, document analysis and supported research on the reading of records based on facts and law in the history of SINTEP/MT. The issues which fostered the research were: How the political formation of unions has contributed with the establishment of the teacher's instructor trade unionist identity in public school? What are their influences in the practices of teacher trade unionists by the collective of school? Has the political and trade union training is contributed to the establishment of the teacher's instructor trade unionist identity in public school of Mato Grosso? In this research was evident that since of foundation of the Public Education Workers' Union of Mato Grosso – SINTEP/MT was concerned about the political and trade union training and your affiliates. It results in a development of a policy’s training model in the country due adopted program and material produced that have being currently uses in the national notebooks of formation of the National Confederation of Workers in Education – CNTE. In this scenario the program and the material production was realized within the SINTEP that the unionists ' participation makes a difference when integrated into the school environment because it is noticeable the action of unionized in the struggle for better conditions for education and intervention in defense of public education improvement in Mato Grosso.

Critique of trade union freedomThe article begins of the protective character of Labor Law and of the study of trade union freedom as an instrument of compensatory inequality, to analyze critically the protection of this right in the Committeeof Trade Union Freedom. Then, it develops causes of the current crisis of trade unionism and the possibility of atrade union self-reform and of an International Court of Trade Union Freedom. Finally, the article presents some strategies for overcoming the crisis of trade unionism / El artículo parte del carácter protector del derecho del trabajo y del estudio de la libertad sindical como instrumento de desigualdad compensatoria, para analizar críticamente la protección de este derecho enel Comité de Libertad Sindical. Seguidamente, se desarrollan las causas de la actual crisis del sindicalismo y la posibilidad de una autorreforma sindical y de un Tribunal Internacional de la Libertad Sindical. Finalmente, el artículo presenta algunas estrategias para superar la crisis del sindicalismo

A narrativa sociológica que tentei construir sobre a Termomecanica (TM) partiu de uma retomada dos vários tons que compuseram a experiência de classe dos peões do ABC e a identidade operária combativa que daí resultou. Em seguida, me enveredei na desmontagem da teia simbólica do discurso paternalista que o patrão (Salvador Arena) articulou com vistas a bloquear o desenvolvimento de uma consciência de classe rebelde nos operários de sua fábrica, formatando-lhes, ao contrário, uma identidade resignada, leal ao patrão e à empresa. Após, procurei destacar como, apesar das estratégias de esterilização sindical empreendidas por Salvador Arena, o conflito fabril sempre foi latente. Neste ponto, a ideia foi dar voz àqueles que são cotidianamente obrigados a se calar, conferindo destaque à operários desconhecidos cujas vidas foram indelevelmente marcadas pela TM e por Salvador Arena. Por fim, tentei recuperar as tradições sociais que, num quadro socioeconômico e histórico específico, desembocaram no processo produtivo da Termomecanica e engendraram por meio da referida dominação simbólica paternalista o notável envolvimento do grupo operário, isto é, criaram o fator decisivo que permitiu à TM se colocar de forma singular diante dos concorrentes, dos demais empresários industriais e do Estado. / The sociological narrative about the Termomecanica factory (TM) that I tried to build were started with a reflection about the various aspects of the working class experience in the ABC and about the combative identity that was resulted of this experience. Afterwards, I aimed dismantling the web of symbolic ties which constitutes the patronizing speech of its founder (Salvador Arena), developed in order to hinder the establishment of a rebellious working class consciousness among his factorys workers, being able to create a subdued workers identity, loyal to their boss and company. Later, I tried to highlight the fact that the labor conflict has always been latent, in spite of Salvador Arenas strategies to make the trade unions impotent. At that point, my intention was to acknowledge the ones forcefully silenced, especially the anonymous workers who had TM and Salvador Arena printed in their lives. Finally, I tried to recover the social traditions that in a specific historical and socio-economic panorama culminate in Termomecanicas production process and engender through the patronizing symbolic domination mentioned above the remarkable workers\' engagement, creating a decisive factor to make the Salvador Arena\'s factory a case unique faced with the competitors, the others enterprises and the State.

A presente pesquisa teve por objetivo estudar a negociação coletiva trabalhista, contextualizada pela dinâmica da luta de classes inerente ao sistema capitalista de produção, a fim de verificar o seu processo de transformação, de mecanismo de discussão e elaboração de direitos benéficos aos trabalhadores em instrumento de retirada de tais direitos e de obtenção pelo poder econômico do consentimento para a exploração nas relações de trabalho. Foram analisados de maneira crítica os pressupostos clássicos da negociação coletiva, como a autonomia privada coletiva e a equivalência dos sujeitos coletivos, além de apresentados a dinâmica da pluralidade normativa do direito do trabalho e elementos de harmonização das fontes, notadamente à luz de princípios com o da imperatividade das normas estatais de proteção ao trabalhador e o da melhoria da condição social do trabalhador. No desenvolvimento do tema, passou-se pela teoria marxista da luta de classes, pelo neoliberalismo e reestruturação produtiva, pela fragmentação e concorrência da classe trabalhadora. Além disso, houve a análise da representação jurídica dos trabalhadores por meio de suas entidades sindicais, inclusive com elementos do surgimento do sindicalismo contemporâneo e em especial do brasileiro, notadamente no que se refere ao novo sindicalismo do final da década de 1970 e de 1980 (confrontativo e combativo), ao sindicalismo de diálogo e cooperação com o capital da década de 1990 e início dos anos 2000, até chegar no sindicalismo dos últimos dez anos, com aspectos de combatividade e também de integração à racionalidade do capital. Por fim, concluiu-se que a negociação coletiva tem sofrido progressivo processo de apropriação pelo capital, em prejuízo dos trabalhadores e que a melhor atitude da classe trabalhadora na negociação é de resistência e confronto, valendo-se dos meios pacíficos e legítimos. / This research aimed to study the collective labor bargaining, contextualized by the dynamics of the class struggle of the capitalist production system in order to verify its transformation process, discussion mechanism and development of beneficial rights to workers into withdrawal instrument of those rights and the attainment by the economic power of consent for exploitation in work relations. The classical principles of collective bargaining were critically analyzed, such as the private collective autonomy and the equivalence of collective subjects; as well as were presented the dynamics of normative plurality of labor law and elements harmonization of sources, especially in the light of principles such as the imperative of state standards to worker protection and the improvement of the worker´s social condition. As the topic was developed, we´ve been through the marxist theory of class struggle, the neoliberalism and productive restructuring, and the fragmentation and competition of the working class. In addition, there was the analysis of the legal representation of workers through their unions, including element of the emergence of modern trade unionism (and especially the Brazilian case), notably regarding the new labor movement by the end of the 1970s and 1980s (confrontational and combative), to the trade unionism of dialogue and cooperation with the capital of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s, until the trade unionism of the past ten years, with aspects of militancy and also integration into the rationality of capital. Finally, it was concluded that collective bargaining has undergone a gradual process of appropriation by the capital to the detriment of workers, and that the best stand of the working class in trading is resistance and confrontation, taking advantage of the peaceful and legitimate means.

La thèse étudie le travail ordinaire de mobilisation des chômeurs dans différentes organisations militantes. Ce faisant, elle interroge les conditions de leur représentation en regard de l’« autonomie relative » de l’espace des organisations de chômeurs. La faible unification sociale de cette catégorie administrative et la pluralité des inscriptions sociales, politiques et professionnelles des groupes engagés dans la cause déterminent des logiques d’engagement fortement différenciées. En reconstituant l’espace des positions et des prises de position au sein de ces organisations, la thèse montre d’une part l’influence qu’exercent certains groupes sociaux et, à travers eux, les logiques spécifiques à d’autres champs sociaux (syndical, du travail social) sur le travail militant. D’autre part, elle invite à repenser l’opposition classique entre producteurs et bénéficiaires de l’action collective en analysant les effets différenciés du chômage sur les carrières militantes. / This research investigates the ordinary work of mobilization of the unemployed by several militant organizations. By doing so, it interrogates conditions of their representation in light of the “relative autonomy” of the unemployed organizations space. The faint social unification of this administrative category added with the plurality of social, political, and professional admissions of groups involved in that cause determine highly differentiated commitments strategies. Through the reconstitution of stances and standpoints space within the organizations, this thesis shows on the one hand the influence exerted by certain social groups and, through them, specific logic of other social fields (trade-union, social work) on the militant work. On the other hand it tempts to review the classical opposition between producers and recipients of the collective action by analyzing unemployment’s differentiated effects on militant careers.

Cette thèse étudie les mobilisations contre les risques du travail dans l’industrie nucléaire en France entre 1968 et 2018. Elle éclaire la dynamique des actions syndicales et des processus d’alertes internes aux exploitants nucléaires. L’enquête s’articule autour de deux séquences impulsées respectivement depuis le Commissariat à l’énergie atomique (CEA) et l’entreprise Électricité de France (EDF).La controverse autour des conditions de travail dans l’industrie nucléaire et du recours à des salariés d’entreprises sous-traitantes pour les opérations les plus exposées aux dangers de la radioactivité remonte aux années 1970. Elle ne cesse, depuis cette époque pionnière, de revenir sur le devant de la scène, sans toutefois susciter d’action publique à même de résoudre les problèmes soulevés. Cette controverse est alimentée par les enquêtes menées directement par les travailleurs de ce secteur et certains de leurs représentants syndicaux de la CFDT et de la CGT, avec le relais de médecins du travail, de scientifiques, de journalistes d’investigation et d’élus politiques. La thèse décrit les activités de problématisation du travail et du recours à la sous-traitance dans le nucléaire et rend compte de leur infélicité récurrente. Elle entend contribuer à mieux comprendre la faible visibilité sociale des enjeux de santé au travail et, plus largement, les processus d’émergence de publics mobilisés en démocratie et les logiques qui leur font obstacle.La démarche est d’ethnographie historique. Elle combine des observations et des entretiens, avec une plongée dans les archives. Elle étudie l’expérience du travail exposé aux risques dans cette industrie, la constitution du problème de la santé au travail sur différentes scènes, les parcours de personnes affectées ou concernées par ce problème et les phases successives de sa dynamique de publicisation et de confinement. / This thesis studies the mobilizations against occupational risks in the French nuclear industry between 1968 and 2018. It sheds light on the dynamics of trade union actions and warning processes among the nuclear operators. The survey focuses on two episodes fostered by the Commissariat à l'Énergie Atomique for the first one, and by the company Électricité de France (EDF) for the second one.In the 1970's, a controversy arose about working conditions in nuclear industry and the using of employees of subcontracting companies for the operations that were most exposed to radioactive hazards. Since then, it has been constantly re-appearing but has never generated public action able to solve the problem. Surveys done directly by workers of this industry and some of their union representatives (of the CFDT and CGT trade unions) contribute to this controversy. They find support from labour doctors, scientists, investigative journalists, and elected politicians. The thesis describes the processes of problematization of labour and recourse to subcontractors in nuclear industry. It depicts its recurring failures. It helps understanding why the issues in occupational health do not gain more social visibility and, more broadly, how do mobilized publics emerge in democracies and which kind of hurdles does this emergence have to face.Historical ethnography is the chosen approach. It combines observations, interviews and work in the archives. It studies the experience of working with the radioactive hazards in this industry, the formation of the public issue of occupational health in several landscapes, life paths of affected or involved persons. It sheds light on the dynamics of the problem, that is gradually publicized and then confined.

Submitted by Maicon Juliano Schmidt (maicons) on 2015-03-30T19:38:16Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Júlio César de Oliveira.pdf: 2278143 bytes, checksum: 56ed869f1721f93e4c81757a58131450 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-30T19:38:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Júlio César de Oliveira.pdf: 2278143 bytes, checksum: 56ed869f1721f93e4c81757a58131450 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-01-31 / Nenhuma / Esta dissertação estuda o sindicalismo público municipal, problematizando a duplicidade representativa que tem se configurado em muitas localidades, especialmente em relação à categoria dos docentes. Examina a estrutura organizativa do sistema sindical e analisa, por meio do estudo de caso, o sindicalismo das cidades de São Leopoldo e Bagé, no período compreendido entre os anos de 1988 e 2005. Contempla as alterações legais e estruturais ocorridas no movimento sindical após a promulgação da Constituição de 1988, buscando perceber a forma como foi recebido o enquadramento dos docentes pelos novos dispositivos normativos. Por meio da metodologia da História Oral, conjuntamente com a análise da documentação das entidades sindicais, investigamos a organização dos professores assim como a questão identitária dos docentes destes municípios. / This dissertation studies the municipal unions, representative questioning the duplicity that has emerged in many localities, especially in relation to the category of teachers. Examines the organizational structure of the labor union system and analyzes, through the case study, the unions of the cities of Sao Leopoldo and Bage, in the period between 1988 and 2005. Include legal and structural changes occurring in the union movement after the promulgation of the 1988 Constitution, trying to discern how the frame was received by teachers new regulatory provisions. Through the methodology of oral history, together with the analysis of the documentation of unions, we investigated the organization of teachers as well as the identity issue of teachers in these municipalities.

A presente pesquisa teve por objetivo estudar a negociação coletiva trabalhista, contextualizada pela dinâmica da luta de classes inerente ao sistema capitalista de produção, a fim de verificar o seu processo de transformação, de mecanismo de discussão e elaboração de direitos benéficos aos trabalhadores em instrumento de retirada de tais direitos e de obtenção pelo poder econômico do consentimento para a exploração nas relações de trabalho. Foram analisados de maneira crítica os pressupostos clássicos da negociação coletiva, como a autonomia privada coletiva e a equivalência dos sujeitos coletivos, além de apresentados a dinâmica da pluralidade normativa do direito do trabalho e elementos de harmonização das fontes, notadamente à luz de princípios com o da imperatividade das normas estatais de proteção ao trabalhador e o da melhoria da condição social do trabalhador. No desenvolvimento do tema, passou-se pela teoria marxista da luta de classes, pelo neoliberalismo e reestruturação produtiva, pela fragmentação e concorrência da classe trabalhadora. Além disso, houve a análise da representação jurídica dos trabalhadores por meio de suas entidades sindicais, inclusive com elementos do surgimento do sindicalismo contemporâneo e em especial do brasileiro, notadamente no que se refere ao novo sindicalismo do final da década de 1970 e de 1980 (confrontativo e combativo), ao sindicalismo de diálogo e cooperação com o capital da década de 1990 e início dos anos 2000, até chegar no sindicalismo dos últimos dez anos, com aspectos de combatividade e também de integração à racionalidade do capital. Por fim, concluiu-se que a negociação coletiva tem sofrido progressivo processo de apropriação pelo capital, em prejuízo dos trabalhadores e que a melhor atitude da classe trabalhadora na negociação é de resistência e confronto, valendo-se dos meios pacíficos e legítimos. / This research aimed to study the collective labor bargaining, contextualized by the dynamics of the class struggle of the capitalist production system in order to verify its transformation process, discussion mechanism and development of beneficial rights to workers into withdrawal instrument of those rights and the attainment by the economic power of consent for exploitation in work relations. The classical principles of collective bargaining were critically analyzed, such as the private collective autonomy and the equivalence of collective subjects; as well as were presented the dynamics of normative plurality of labor law and elements harmonization of sources, especially in the light of principles such as the imperative of state standards to worker protection and the improvement of the worker´s social condition. As the topic was developed, we´ve been through the marxist theory of class struggle, the neoliberalism and productive restructuring, and the fragmentation and competition of the working class. In addition, there was the analysis of the legal representation of workers through their unions, including element of the emergence of modern trade unionism (and especially the Brazilian case), notably regarding the new labor movement by the end of the 1970s and 1980s (confrontational and combative), to the trade unionism of dialogue and cooperation with the capital of the 1990s and the beginning of the 2000s, until the trade unionism of the past ten years, with aspects of militancy and also integration into the rationality of capital. Finally, it was concluded that collective bargaining has undergone a gradual process of appropriation by the capital to the detriment of workers, and that the best stand of the working class in trading is resistance and confrontation, taking advantage of the peaceful and legitimate means.

No description available.