京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(法学) / 甲第22024号 / 法博第236号 / 新制||法||166(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院法学研究科法政理論専攻 / (主査)教授 中西 寛, 教授 鈴木 基史, 教授 島田 幸典 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Laws / Kyoto University / DGAM

No description available.

Why do some allies restructure their existing alliance relationships which they once favored, but some do not? In what ways do allies restructure their alliances? Historically interstate military alliances change their original agreements more than they remain the same, and the average duration of bilateral alliances is less than a decade. Theoretically, previous works have paid great attention mostly to the formation and duration of alliances. Answers to the above basic questions have been largely indeterminate, despite the fact that when allies change their original agreements, it reshapes the behaviors of both allies and non-allies. This study argues that when a state grows more powerful relative to its neighbors and external powers; and experiences a domestic regime change, the state is likely to restructure its exiting alliance relationship. These external and internal changes since the alliance formation cause the state’s original preference on the arms-and-allies balance to shift, and the state has greater incentive to restructure the existing alliance by way of dealignment, expiration, or renewal. In order to test the argument, this study first provides the quantitative results by testing 142 post-WWII alliances formed from 1946 to 2000, and identifies the statistically significant and substantial effects of three factors, capabilities increase, regime change (democratization and authoritarianization), and government change (both leadership and supporting coalition change), on the state’s alliance restructuring. Then this study qualitatively tests the quantitative findings and traces the causal process through case studies for three U.S. alliances in East Asia (the Philippines, South Korea, and Japan). The Philippine alliance restructuring in 1992 is examined as a typical case demonstrating that the argument empirically works. Then this study investigates why South Korea did not restructure the alliance with the U.S. in the 1990s even though the external and internal factors suggest that it would restructure. Lastly, the U.S.-Japan alliance case in 2009-2010 is examined to assess the explanatory power of the argument beyond the data population. An alliance restructuring can significantly affect an individual state’s security positively or negatively, therefore state leaders must continue to pay a close attention to the management of alliances.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 347-395).

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the crisis of two important allies, Japan and the US, which began in relation to the negotiation during the rule of the Prime Minister Hatoyama about the relocation of the controversial Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, which is located on the Okinawa Island. This thesis firstly reconstructs the historical context of the U.S.-Japan alliance and the role of the bases in it. The importance of the peace movement, which is still a vocal player of the Okinawa events today, is also mentioned. Then this paper examines the feature of the bases, especially of the Futenma Air Station. Another key part of the paper is made by description of the processes, which targeted reducing of the burden of Okinawa people, caused by the presence of the bases on Japanese ground. The Futenma became the main symbolof these negotiations. In it main part, based on the level of analysis concept, this thesis provides the analysis of the negotiations of the three actors of the 2009-2010 crisis - the Prime Minister Hatoyama and his cabinet, who came out of the elections with the programme of changing the government system (seiken kōtai) and the revision of the former Futenma Henoko relocation plan; the Obama administration, which persisted on the Henoko plan; and the people of Okinawa, who are...

本論文主要希望能夠藉由軍事準則一非作戰軍事行動(Military Operations Other Than War, MOOTW)的實務操作面向去分析「美日防衛合作新指針」中「雙方平時合作事項」，運用理論與實踐去檢證美日軍事合作對國際社會的貢獻與對台海的適用性。因為，在未來亞太安全與和平上，日本將扮演更積極角色與參加國際事務，那對曾受迫害的亞洲地區民族而言，如果無法保持客觀、理性的中立立場去觀察，那將難以抹取二次大戰軍國主義歷史的陰影，只會阻礙亞太地區邁向二十一世紀全球化的發展，具體而言，本論文具有大膽理論探討之前瞻性，屬於前沿理論(軍事準則)的概念形式。 針對亞太地區而言，在冷戰期間並沒有產生如同北大西洋公約組織及華沙公約組織一般相互對峙的軍事集團，而蘇聯所扮演的角色也僅是影響亞太安全的數個強權國家之一。冷戰結束之後，國際體系架構在冷戰結束後跨入了一個新的交替時期，東、西兩極體系彼此對抗的大環境已然消失，亞太地區也因為缺乏一個有效的多邊安全機制而失去了足以依靠的平衡槓桿。因此，亞太地區便逐漸形成一種「動態平衡」的結構。美國身為二十一世紀的唯一超強，其對於亞太地區，尤其是東北亞地區的安全政策，便成為大家所關注的焦點。其中民主國家又以美國及日本之間的共同防禦條約最值得吾人注意。 美日安保條約已逐漸成為兩國之間互動的重要架構之一，雖然美日安保條約仍以軍事安全為核心，但也進一步成為雙方經濟、政治、文化和議題發展的結構性支柱。尤其蘇聯瓦解，使得世界在可預期的未來，似乎不可能出現大規模世界核子戰爭，但是區域間的族群衝突，跨國恐怖活動、毒品走私或海盜活動等，這些「低強度衝突」(Low Intensity Conflict,LIC)的發生機率又非常的高，帶給人類和平與安全有莫大威脅，因此從實務層面思考，如何解決前述國際安全問題，才是美、日安保同盟對國際和平最大的貢獻。 針對本論文研究發現，有以下兩點建議： 一、建立國軍「非作戰軍事行動」準則 例如國內發生重大災難與跨國恐怖事件，或與國外軍事合作的行動準則，由本論文的研究發現可參考美軍準則如下：(一)可參考《美軍聯合作戰教令(Joint pub3-0》一建立(或增列)國軍聯合作戰準則中。(二)可參考《非作戰軍事行動聯合教令(Joint pub3-7)》建立國軍非作戰軍事行動教令。(三)可參考美軍陸、海、空軍對非作戰軍事行動的規範，建立國軍各軍種教範，資料如后: 1.美國陸軍野戰教範(FM100-5)。 2.美國海軍作戰準則(NDP1: Naval Warfare)。 3.美國空軍非作戰軍事行動準則(ADD2-3)。 二、積極參與區域海上人道救援行動 戰爭現已不再容易獲得國內與國際輿論之支持，反之，一國參與維持國際和平或區域海上人道救援行動，不僅容易獲得國內輿論之讚許，且可提高並贏得國際聲譽。實際上，維持國際和平與海上人道救援訓練與戰爭並無二致。並可達「寓戰於訓」的目的。而且從俄羅斯在北海的明斯克號潛艦沉沒事件，國軍在發展二代潛艦兵力的同時，對區域海上人道救援行動更應該積極參與，並列入爭取美、日、韓、澳、星等多邊國家軍事交流與訓練的第一優先項目。 關鍵詞：非作戰軍事行動 美日防衛合作新指針 低強度衝突 美日關係 / The main purpose of this thesis is looking forward to analyzing the mutual cooperation in the peace period in the " The New U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines " by the military principle- the real operation level of Military Operations Other than War (MOOTW). We use this theory and practice to verify the contribution of the military cooperation of between America and Japan for international society and the adaptability using in Taiwan Strait. Since the Japan will be a more active role and take part in more mission for the security and peace of Asia and Pacific area in the future. To those peoples who had suffer the oppression by Japan in Asian areas, if they can not keep an objective, rational and impartial position to observe this event,it will be hard to erase the shadow of militarism causing by Japan in the World War II.The result of this prejudice will only obstruct the progress of Asian area forward to the development of Internationalize in the 21^st century.Concretely speaking, this thesis posses a foreside in the theory discussion,and belong to the conceptualize style of the leading edge theory(military principle). Specifically speaking to the Asia and Pacific areas, it do not result the same conflict of each military ally as did between NATO and the Warsaw Treaty Organization.The former Soviet Union took part in one of the powerful countries,which influence the security of the Asian and Pacific areas. After cold war, the international structure enters to a new interchange period.The entire environment confronting between western and eastern polarities had disappeared. Asia-Pacific area lost a dependable balance lever due to lacking an effective multilateral security mechanism. Therefore, Asia- Pacific area gradually becomes a "dynamic balance" structure.The U.S. is the only one super power in the world in 21st century. The Asia-Pacific area security strategy of the U.S.,especially in northeast Asia, is the focus to other countries.For other democratic countries,the U.S.-Japan defense alliance is the axis about which the Asia-Pacific security policy of the US rotates. The U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines has become one of important structures of interactions between both sides.Although the U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines is focus on military security, furthermore, it becomes a construction pillar in economy, politics, culture and relevant developing issues on both sides. Especially,after the former Soviet Union broke down, it is almost impossible to have a nuclear war took place in the future,instated, the regional ethnic conflicts, international terrorism, narcotics dealing and smuggling and piratical activities take place very often, those bring huge threat to our peace and security. Pragmatically thinking about this, how to figure out those international issues can be the biggest contribution in terms of international peace. Based on our research,we propose the following suggestions: 1. To establish the R.O.C."Peacetime Military Operation Guidelines" for providing the Ministry of National Defense a guideline on dealing with the domestic disasters,deterring terrorism, and perusing international cooperative operations.We found that the US doctrines can provide a hands on reference: (1) The US Joint Operation Doctrine (Joint pub 3-0) can be referenced to establish the ROC joint operation doctrines. (2) The US Military Operation Other than War Joint Operation Doctrine (Joint pub 3-7) can also be referenced to establish ROC Other than War joint operation doctrines. (3) The US Military Operation Other than War Joint Operation Doctrines,for examples; US Army Operation Doctrine (FM 100-5),US Navy Operation Doctrine (NDP I: Naval Warfare), and US Air Force Other Than War Operation Doctrine (AFDD 2-3), can be referenced to establish ROC Services' Other Than War Joint Operation Doctrines. 2. To participate Asia-Pacific area rescue operations The international and nation's general public do not support the conduction of war. In contrary, the general publics always give highly respects to the organization join the international rescue operations. In facts,the procedure on conducting the war is similar to join the international rescue operation. Furthermore,the operation furnishes our troops a training event.For example, the Russia joined the rescue operation on Minske event. While the new generation submarine program is underway, we should take action and participate the area rescues, and join the international association work organized by US,Japan, Korea, Australia,and Singapore. Keywords: Military Operations Other than War (MOOTW),the New U.S.-Japan Defense Cooperation Guidelines,Low Intensity Conflict( LIC ),the U.S.-Japan Relations.

近年來，日本的防衛政策發生了許多重大的變化。如日本政府認可了「集團自衛權」的行使權、美日兩國修訂了新版的「美日防衛合作指針」以及日本國會通過了新的「安保法案」，這些變化勢必將帶給亞太地區不小的影響。在此之中，2013年，日本政府所制定的新「防衛計畫大綱」更顯示出了日本安全觀在面對快速變化的國際情勢之下，不停地求新求變以確保國家安全的意圖。 「防衛計畫大綱」是為日本防衛政策的最高指導方針，具有非常高的重要性。故本論文將以防衛計畫大綱作為基礎材料，對日本冷戰後的安全觀變遷進行研究。防衛計畫大綱至今(2016)共有五個版本，從第一版(1976年)到最新的第五版(2013)，橫跨了冷戰與後冷戰時代，其中各版的內容更是發生了許多變化。如冷戰時代，日本的主要威脅是來自於蘇聯的全面入侵。而到了後冷戰時代，防衛政策的重心則是開始創造能夠對應「複合事態」的新體制。 本論文將基於「新古典現實主義」與「歷史制度論」兩大理論的角度，對防衛計畫大綱展開分析。並特別著重於「政策的繼承性」、「國內政治勢力的演變」、「中日關係發展」以及「亞太地區安全形勢」等等議題。在探究日本安全觀變遷的同時，試圖理解日本防衛政策所具有的特殊性。 / Japan's defense policy changes significantly in recent years. New cabinet decision of the right of collective self-defense, new Guidelines for US-Japan Defense Cooperation and new national security bill. Definitely, those changes will impact Asia-Pacific Security. In those transitions, new Japanese National Defense Program Guideline(NDPG) will be a relevant reference to see why and how does Japanese security view get changed. This research will use NDPG as basic materials to find out the transition of Japan's security view in the Post-Cold War. NDPG has five editions for now. Form first edition(1976) to fifth edition(2013), NDPG can tell us what 's the difference of Japan 's security between Cold War and Post-Cold War. This research based on “Neoclassical Realism” and “Historical institutionalism” to analyze NDPG. Furthermore, we will concern of “Succession of policy”,” transition of domestic political power”,”China-Japan relations”and” Asia-Pacific Security”and so forth.

This thesis reviews the significance of the 1969 Japan-US Summit between Prime Minister Satii Eisaku and President Richard Nixon in light of official documents that have been disclosed in Japan since 2010 and in the United States since the 1990s. Based on newly available sources, this thesis shows that the 1969 Summit should be considered a Japanese-led initiative with two aims: firstly, to announce a deadline for Okinawa's return with all nuclear weapons removed; and secondly, to reform the Japan-US security treaty system without repeating the kind of outright revision concluded in 1960. The Japanese plan to reform the security treaty system involved simplifying the prior consultation formula by making a public commitment to the security of South Korea of sufficient strength that the United States would agree to the dissolution of the 1960 secret 'Korea Minute'. The Japanese Government achieved its first aim but only partially succeeded in its second. Whilst the return of Okinawa was announced, the status of US bases in Okinawa and mainland Japan continued to be governed by an elaborate web of agreements, public and secret, which damaged public confidence and hampered an improvement in relations between Japan and its neighbouring countries. This thesis shows that commonly held academic opinions about the 1969 Summit are incorrect. Firstly, there was no quid pro quo in which Japan linked its security to South Korea in exchange for Okinawa: both these outcomes were in fact Japanese objectives at the beginning of the summit preparations. Secondly, the success of the summit did not depend on 'backchannel' negotiations between Wakaizumi Kei and Henry Kissinger: it is likely that an announcement on Okinawa's reversion would have been achieved in 1969 even if preparations for the summit had been left to the Japanese Foreign Ministry and the US State Department. Word Limit: Approx. 98,000 words, excluding Bibliography

本文以「新現實主義」(neorealism)，或被稱為「結構現實主義」(structural realism)做為研究途徑，從國際政治系統層次體系，探究美國在二十一世紀後，所進行的東亞軍力調整。本文首先檢視二十一世紀後東亞戰略環境，以及美國的兩位總統，小布希(George W. Bush)，以及歐巴馬(Barrack Obama)，的面對這樣的東亞安全環境，採取的戰略與政策儘管有不同，但同樣在軍事及外交上，強化與東亞國家之關係，藉以建構一個對美國有利的東亞安全環境，藉以面對來自崛起中國的挑戰。接著，本文將探究美國與中國之關係，藉以釐清美國在進行東亞軍力調整中，如何處理中國的因素後，探討美國在二十一世紀後，在東亞進行的軍力調整的原因、方針以及概況，以及美國的東亞盟邦在軍力調整後所扮演的角色，並探究美國在東亞軍力整編時所面對的困境與挑戰。 本文發現，二十一世紀美國進行東亞軍力調整之時，也反應了其東亞外交與安全戰略，以及美國建構一個以「美日同盟」為主軸的安全戰略體系已經形成，並由美國的其他東亞盟邦輔助支援。然而，美國的東亞軍力調整，也面臨了許多困難與挑戰，包括美國東亞盟邦，甚至美國自身的問題等。 最後，本文也建議未來可針對抑制中國軍事能力的戰略，以及台灣在美國東亞安全戰略可以扮演的角色進行研究。 / The research approach used in this dissertation is neorealism (structural realism). From the system of level in the international politics, this dissertation explore how the United States conducted its military realignment in East Asia. Firstly, this dissertation will examine the security environment of East Asia in the twenty-first century. Although two U.S. Presidents, George W. Bush and Barrack Obama, adopted different policies when facing such an East Asia security environment, they both strengthened relations with Asia-Pacific countries militarily and diplomatically. They intended to construct an East Asian security environment favorable for U.S. interests so that U.S. can face the challenges from the rising China. Later on, this dissertation will explore U.S.-Chinese relations to clarify how U.S. handle Chinese factors in its military realignment in East Asia. Besides, this dissertation will explore the reasons, policies, how U.S. proceed its military realignment, and the roles played by U.S. allies and partners. Finally, this dissertation will examine the difficulties and challenges that U.S. will have faced in its military realignment. This dissertation finds that U.S. military realignment in East Asia reflects its diplomacy and security strategy. Meanwhile, an U.S. security strategy based on U.S.-Japan alliance has established, with the support from other U.S. allies and partners in East Asia. However, the U.S. indeed faces difficulties and challenges, including problems from its allies and even the U.S. itself. Lastly, this dissertation suggest some research directions in the future, including a strategy which can suppress Chinese capabilities, and the role that Taiwan can play in the comprehensive U.S. East Asia security strategy.