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I use the body to investigate the ideas of morality, mourning and mortification. I look towards costume history, traditional Catholic rituals and themes in 19th century literature to feed my obsession with transformation, reconciliation and communication through dress. My making focuses on feminine objects and materials. Lace, veils, undergarments and hair adornment speak not only of womanhood, but also of the duality of human nature. Lace speaks of purity and sexuality, it reveals and conceals, it is humble, yet gluttonous in its ornamental overindulgence; lace is the ultimate dichotomy. I use it as a potent symbol to represent the duality of body and soul, right and wrong, good and evil. Historically, neglected, disheveled and unbound hair was a sign of mourning and penance, a physical representation of one's sin and sorrow. In my work, hair comes to represent an uncomfortable binding of one's self to one's alter ego, while helping to serve as an act of penance and mortification. As I make, my hands hopelessly yearn to create beauty from burdens; the repetitive and penitential process of stitching creates a metaphor for my longing towards perfection and purification. My use of video, photography and installation work to provide a unique experience for the viewer, for here they are invited to enter these imaginary worlds of wonder.

Human rights education is a much-investigated area of research; however, what teachers understand about human rights and the Life Skills explicit, enacted and supplementary curriculum seems to be vague. The vagueness related to the understanding of human rights emanated from multiple understandings of human rights that could be adhered to. Meta-theoretical underpinnings for the understanding of human rights have been discussed in the human rights body of scholarship. These meta-theoretical underpinnings of human rights were philosophically clustered to develop an analytical construct to guide this inquiry. This inquiry was focused on a contribution regarding teachers’ understanding of human rights education to augment the infusion of a human rights culture in diverse educational contexts. This inquiry was done, firstly, to explore the [in]consistencies between the meta-theoretical underpinnings of human rights and how they were reflected in the explicit, enacted and supplementary curriculum. Secondly, it was to explore how these influenced the way in which human rights were enacted in the curriculum. These consistencies and inconsistencies were deemed to be important because they affect the way human rights are understood and dealt with in the classroom directly. The aims of the research were to determine the meta-theoretical underpinnings of human rights in the intermediate phase Life Skills explicit, enacted and supplementary curriculum; the language(s) that emerged regarding the meta-theoretical underpinnings of human rights in the Life Skills enacted curriculum; and how the enacted and supplementary curriculum of human rights were influenced by teachers’ understandings of the meta-theoretical underpinnings. A qualitative study situated in an interpretivist paradigm was undertaken, using a shadowing methodology. Participants were purposefully selected. Data were generated by means of a document analysis as data generation strategy of the National Curriculum Statement Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement document, as well as the accompanying learning study materials, classroom observations through silent shadowing and a semi-structured one-on-one interview with each teacher. Data were analysed by means of discourse analysis. It was empirically found that the supplementary curriculum directly related to the explicit curriculum. The enacted curriculum revealed consistencies and inconsistencies within the explicit curriculum. Regarding teachers’ understanding of the explicit Life Skills curriculum, it was found that the teachers participating in this inquiry experienced limitations and restrictions regarding their own interpretations of the explicitly provided curriculum. Even when the teachers understood human rights slightly differently from the explicit and supplementary curriculum, they still only enacted what was provided in the explicit curriculum. My recommendations highlight the need to inquire about the way(s) in which teachers could be effectively supported by the Life Skills curriculum in terms of human rights enactment. A future essential study should inquire about the responsibility of each teacher with regard to human rights education and the ethical implications and considerations thereof. / MEd (Curriculum Development), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Human rights education is a much-investigated area of research; however, what teachers understand about human rights and the Life Skills explicit, enacted and supplementary curriculum seems to be vague. The vagueness related to the understanding of human rights emanated from multiple understandings of human rights that could be adhered to. Meta-theoretical underpinnings for the understanding of human rights have been discussed in the human rights body of scholarship. These meta-theoretical underpinnings of human rights were philosophically clustered to develop an analytical construct to guide this inquiry. This inquiry was focused on a contribution regarding teachers’ understanding of human rights education to augment the infusion of a human rights culture in diverse educational contexts. This inquiry was done, firstly, to explore the [in]consistencies between the meta-theoretical underpinnings of human rights and how they were reflected in the explicit, enacted and supplementary curriculum. Secondly, it was to explore how these influenced the way in which human rights were enacted in the curriculum. These consistencies and inconsistencies were deemed to be important because they affect the way human rights are understood and dealt with in the classroom directly. The aims of the research were to determine the meta-theoretical underpinnings of human rights in the intermediate phase Life Skills explicit, enacted and supplementary curriculum; the language(s) that emerged regarding the meta-theoretical underpinnings of human rights in the Life Skills enacted curriculum; and how the enacted and supplementary curriculum of human rights were influenced by teachers’ understandings of the meta-theoretical underpinnings. A qualitative study situated in an interpretivist paradigm was undertaken, using a shadowing methodology. Participants were purposefully selected. Data were generated by means of a document analysis as data generation strategy of the National Curriculum Statement Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement document, as well as the accompanying learning study materials, classroom observations through silent shadowing and a semi-structured one-on-one interview with each teacher. Data were analysed by means of discourse analysis. It was empirically found that the supplementary curriculum directly related to the explicit curriculum. The enacted curriculum revealed consistencies and inconsistencies within the explicit curriculum. Regarding teachers’ understanding of the explicit Life Skills curriculum, it was found that the teachers participating in this inquiry experienced limitations and restrictions regarding their own interpretations of the explicitly provided curriculum. Even when the teachers understood human rights slightly differently from the explicit and supplementary curriculum, they still only enacted what was provided in the explicit curriculum. My recommendations highlight the need to inquire about the way(s) in which teachers could be effectively supported by the Life Skills curriculum in terms of human rights enactment. A future essential study should inquire about the responsibility of each teacher with regard to human rights education and the ethical implications and considerations thereof. / MEd (Curriculum Development), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

This research analyses the influence of the power of a name, particularly on Zulu speaking people in South Africa. It further analyses the effect of names in other Nguni speaking communities in this country. On a wider scale it also looks at the power and the influence of names given to people of other countries on the African continent. The research primarily investigates the effects of the power of a name on the life of a black person. A name could actually lure a person to enact its meaning. For instance, the name uBagangile could influence the bearer of the name to be generally naughty or if not so, relatives around her might act naughty in different ways. It is pointed out that the act of name-giving with concomitant power vested in a name originates from God. The bearer was expected to act out the meaning of his/her name. God's power hidden in the name would constrain an individual to behave in a certain way within his/her community. The research points out that a name is not only a label that helps in the identification of an individual or an entity. A name is something that is multi-functional. First it becomes a label, a descriptive tool that may refer to a person's body structure. It is possible that a name may divulge a situation in which the person was born. Most importantly, it has the power to make the bearer become what the name means. Usually names carry one of the above accounts. If the name was chosen by an insightful name giver it may carry more than one of the above qualities. During the years of oppression before the advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994, community members made extensive use of names from the languages of the white oppressors. White names had an impact on the lives of bearers, because of the meanings and contexts associated with them. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

This research analyses the influence of the power of a name, particularly on Zulu speaking people in South Africa. It further analyses the effect of names in other Nguni speaking communities in this country. On a wider scale it also looks at the power and the influence of names given to people of other countries on the African continent. The research primarily investigates the effects of the power of a name on the life of a black person. A name could actually lure a person to enact its meaning. For instance, the name uBagangile could influence the bearer of the name to be generally naughty or if not so, relatives around her might act naughty in different ways. It is pointed out that the act of name-giving with concomitant power vested in a name originates from God. The bearer was expected to act out the meaning of his/her name. God's power hidden in the name would constrain an individual to behave in a certain way within his/her community. The research points out that a name is not only a label that helps in the identification of an individual or an entity. A name is something that is multi-functional. First it becomes a label, a descriptive tool that may refer to a person's body structure. It is possible that a name may divulge a situation in which the person was born. Most importantly, it has the power to make the bearer become what the name means. Usually names carry one of the above accounts. If the name was chosen by an insightful name giver it may carry more than one of the above qualities. During the years of oppression before the advent of democracy in South Africa in 1994, community members made extensive use of names from the languages of the white oppressors. White names had an impact on the lives of bearers, because of the meanings and contexts associated with them. / African Languages / D.Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)

Suite à la révolution du 26 septembre 1962, le Yémen du Nord a vu naître la première république de la péninsule Arabique qui a mis fin au long imamat chiite zaydite caractérisé par le primat politico-religieux des descendants du prophète Muhammad : lessâda. Dans leur grande majorité, ces membres du «groupe de statut» le plus élevé au sein de la hiérarchie sociale de l’ancien régime, ont progressivement assumé leur nouvellecondition de «perdants de l’histoire». À partir de 1970, avec la fin de la guerre «civile»entre républicains et royalistes (partisans de l’imamat), ils ont généralement fait preuve de réalisme, ainsi que d’une volonté d’intégration et d'adaptation au nouveau système tant sur le plan politique que socio-professionnel.Dans le contexte pluraliste de l’unification du pays en 1990 entre le Yémen du Nord et leYémen du Sud, certains sâda ont toutefois choisi de donner à leur appartenance confessionnelle une expression politique aux formes organisationnelles diversifiées. Cette mouvance zaydite - composée d’acteurs perçus, par le pouvoir, comme représentant l’ancien régime - a pu relever le défi de la compatibilité avec le régime républicain. En effet, ces acteurs qui se sont inscrits, en dernière instance, dans une dynamique de modernisation politique, n’ont cessé de se revendiquer de la pensée zaydite. Et au lieu d’opter pour la «sunnisation du zaydisme», comme le suggère la littérature républicaine,ce qui les aurait obligés à renier leur appartenance confessionnelle primordiale, ils ont préféré entreprendre un réformisme immanent au zaydisme. Cette double épreuve de modernisation et de réformisme a inscrit la mouvance zaydite dans un processus de construction d’un universel politique. Or, ce dernier a connu un frein à partir de juin2004, avec le déclenchement de la guerre de Saada (du nom du chef lieu de la province homonyme, frontalière de l’Arabie Saoudite au nord-ouest du pays), entre le gouvernement et les partisans de Husayn, Badr al-Dîn puis ‘Abd al-Malik al-Hûthi(respectivement fils, père et frère). En effet, la «confessionnalisation» de la revendication politique de l’adversaire par le pouvoir a débouché sur une stigmatisation collective,provoquant des reformulations identitaires qui ont sérieusement menacé l’aspect modernisateur de la réaffirmation politico-religieuse des «perdants de l’histoire» au Yémen. / Emerging out of the 26 September, 1962 revolution, North Yemen became not only the first republic in the Arabian Peninsula, but also ended the long-lasting rule of the ShiaZaydi Imamate, embodying the political and religious dominance of the descendants of the prophet Muhammad : the sâda. After the revolution, a majority of the members of this status group, which occupied pre-eminent positions in the social hierarchy of the ancien régime, were relegated to the condition of «losers of the history». Since 1970 and the endof Yemen’s civil war, which pitted republicans against royalists (partisans of theImamate), the sâda adopted a pragmatic political stance, evincing an eagerness to integrate into and adapt to the new system in Yemen, in political as well as in socioprofessional terms.However, within the pluralistic context of the country’s unification in 1990 between North Yemen and South Yemen, some of the sâda choose to give political expression to their Zaydi «sectarian» affiliation, which expression took diverse organizational forms.The resulting Zaydi movement - comprising actors perceived, by the government, as representing the ancien régime - was able to overcome the challenge of compatibility with the republican regime. While adopting a strategy of political modernization, it never ceased asserting its Zaydi thinking. Rather than adopting the «Sunnisation of Zaydism» -as suggested by the republican literature - which would have forced the movement to abandon its primary «sectarian» underpinnings, it opted for an internally congruous Zaydireformism. The two fold undertaking of modernization and reform, put the Zaydimovement on the path of constructing a political vision claiming to be of universal validity. However, this project stalled relatively after June 2004, following the outbreak of the Saada war (from the name of the province bordering Saudi Arabia in the northwest of Yemen), waged between government and the partisans of Husayn, Badr al-Dînand later ‘Abd al-Malik al-Hûthi (respectively son, father and brother). Indeed, the government’s «strategy» of «sectarianization» of its adversary’s political claim, led to acollective stigmatization prompting identity reformulations which seriously threaten the modernizing aspect of the political and religious revival of the «losers of the history» in Yemen.

This work documents the first case of idiopathic AA amyloidosis in humans caused by mutation in the promoter region of SAA1 gene. Knowledge of the mechanism of the disease may be an indication for targeted treatment in the future. Mutations in the SAA1 promoter should be considered in all cases of idiopathic forms of AA amyloidosis in which neither the immune nor the inflammatory component of the disease are clearly present.