陳明麗. / "2013年8月". / "2013 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 196-220). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Chen Mingli.

This study explored the work of nursing and the social influences of eugenic policies established during the Progressive Era (1890-1930) on the writing and passage of the Social Security Act of 1935. The research questions: "Did eugenic philosophy and practice influence the Social Security Act of 1935 in relation to Maternal Health Policy?" and 'What was nursing's influence on the Social Security Act of 1935?" required the social history research method. Data were evaluated with the conclusion that eugenic policies did influence the writing and passage of the Social Security Act. Also, that nurses, and other women, played a specific, important and constructive role in developing the Act. During the late 1800s and early 1900s prominent leaders of business, science, philanthropy, and social reform supported the eugenic agenda to assure the wellbeing of hard working "Anglo-Saxon" American citizens. Industrialization and scientific advances in medicine gave Americans the impression that the "production" of healthy, intelligent children could be controlled, efficient, and predictable. Better breeding as a means for social improvement, which fueled the eugenics movement's use of science to solve social problems through governmental involvement, had two sides. Positive eugenics increased information on health and illness prevention, and established well baby clinics; however, negative eugenics advocated controlled reproduction through sterilization of persons considered "unfit." By 1935, twenty-eight states had eugenic sterilization laws. Noted reformers during this time (Lillian Wald, Jane Addams, and Florence Kelley) worked with Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson to establish the Federal Children's Bureau. The Bureau had a direct influence on the maternal and child health policy established by the Social Security Act of 1935. / This legacy continues today in the continued fight for women and children's social and economic rights.The Social Security Act's intention, economic security for all citizens, was not realized. Sections of the Act focused on maternalistic social views and sought to maintain a patriarchal family structure. The language of the Social Security Act created barriers to benefits for the most vulnerable. In fact, it seems reasonable to conclude that institutionalized health care disparities laid their roots in America through this legislation. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2011. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2011. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

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Proponents of marriage, both politicians and scholars, emphasize that marriage benefits health and empirical evidence supports the view that the married are healthier than the unmarried. While a significant body of work establishes the link between marital status and health, previous studies do not consider historical trends in this association. The main objective of the present study is to describe whether and how the association between marital status and health has changed over the past three decades in the United States. Given longstanding observations about gender and race differences in family and health processes, the second objective is to consider gender and race variation in marital status/health trends. Third, I consider whether those health trends by marital status can be attributed to change in family income--which is often viewed as an explanatory mechanism between marriage and health. Results based on three decades’ national health survey data show that over the span of the past three decades, the self-rated health of the never-married became more similar to that of the married; in contrast, over this same time span, the self-rated health of the widowed, divorced, and separated worsened over time, relative to the married. Analyses of two additional health measures (i.e. activity limitation and mortality) show that differences in both activity limitation status and general mortality between the married and each of the unmarried groups--including the widowed, divorced, separated and never married--have widened over recent decades. For each measure of health status, I find important gender and race variation in those health trends by marital status and challenge some long-held assumptions about gender, marital status, and health. Moreover, I find little evidence that family income explains those health trends by marital status. Potential explanations and implications of those trends in health and marital status are discussed. / text

I use variation in childhood exposure to the Dust Bowl, an environmental shock to health and income, as a natural experiment to explain variation in adult human capital. I also examine a variety of mechanisms by which the Dust Bowl influenced later-life wellbeing, and investigate the scope for recovery from this early-life shock. I find that exposure to the Dust Bowl in childhood has statistically significant and economically meaningful adverse impacts on later-life outcomes, for instance, increasing disability and reducing fertility and college completion. These results hold even after accounting for the possibly confounding effects of the Great Depression, migration, and selective fertility or mortality. The effects I find are more severe for those born in agricultural states, suggesting that the Dust Bowl was most damaging via the destruction of agricultural livelihoods. This collapse of farm incomes, however, had the positive effect of increasing high school completion amongst the exposed, likely by reducing the demand for child farm labor where such labor was not essential to production, and thus decreasing the opportunity costs of secondary schooling; in this outcome, unlike in college completion, family income and student ability were irrelevant. Many of the worst adverse effects are found amongst those exposed prenatally and in early childhood, suggesting that congenital complications in capability development, together with low parental incomes in utero and thereafter, may be to blame for such later-life disadvantage. Together, these findings imply that the Dust Bowl acted largely "indirectly," as an economic shock that in turn affected in utero and early-life conditions, rather than "directly," through personal exposure (e.g. dust inhalation) in childhood. Lastly, results - particularly those on New Deal expenditure - imply both that remediation from early-life disaster is possible under the right circumstances, and that post-shock investment may have compensated for rather than reinforced damage to child endowments. The findings in this study are consistent with a multi-stage model of human capability formation, in which investments in one period respond to endowments in a previous one, and may either reinforce or compensate for these endowments.

Orientadores: Reginaldo Carmello de Moraes, Armando Boito Junior / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-04T13:17:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Assis_Lucianode_M.pdf: 3678413 bytes, checksum: e82a69904f5cf6f20e88b07834923ef2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005 / Resumo: o objetivo geral da presente dissertação de mestrado é explorar a ideologia política individualista contemporânea em busca de seus pressupostos, matrizes e fluxos lógicos. Para tanto assumimos o objetivo específico de sintetizar algumas das teses favoráveis ao recuo da intervenção social do Estado, recolocadas no debate político nos EUA, nas décadas de 1970 e 1980.Propostas por autores contemporâneos entre si, e por vezes conterrâneos - novayorkinos -, as teses sobre as quais nos debruçamos estão associadas em geral ao que se convencionou chamar de neoliberalismo, e de modo mais circunscrito, ao termo neoconservadorismo. Empreendemos, portanto, uma ,síntesedas idéias deste grupo sobre o papel do Estado, precedido por uma breve localização histórica do debate. Ao final do presente trabalho propomos alguns pontos de partida para futuras pesquisas que visem o avanço na compreensão dos objetivos gerais propostos acima / Abstract: The general purpose of this research is to explore the contemporary individualístic polítical ideology, to finally undertake they bases and logical fluxoTherefore was assumed as specific issue, the synthesis of some thesis that criticizes the social State (Govemment) interferences, disputed in USA, on 1970 and 1980 decades. Them authors, in general contemporaries and neighbors - citizens ofNew York City of cited decades- produced thesis associated with the term neo-liberalísm, in general, and with neo-conservatism, more precisely. In sum, was made a synthesis ofthe main idea about the social role ofthe State (Govemment), preceded by a briefhistoricallocalization ofthe debate. Finally, at the end ofthis work, was presented some hypothesis and virtual interpretation ofthis intellectual movement, as an initial starting point to other researches / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

This PhD examines the role of British intelligence in Anglo-American relations during the period of American neutrality in the First \Vorld \Var. Unbeknownst to the Americans, British intelligence began to intercept and decrypt virtually all American diplomatic telegrams between Washington and U.S. diplomatic outposts throughout Europe. Although several studies of Anglo-American relations in this period exist, none consider British intelligence's role. Providing an analysis of the relevant cod.es and cryptographical developments during the war, the thesis traces British intelligence's progress in deciphering these various diplomatic codes and offers an analysis of the distribution and use of this intelligence material. Through an exploration of this intelligence aspect, this thesis challenges existing interpretations of British and American policy in this period. A crucial conflict at the heart of British policy-one missed by previous historians-existed over the importance of the United States. Presaging America's international role later in the twentieth centu1y, many of Britain's leaders came to seriously doubt that, without the United States, the war remained winnable at all. Yet these officials contended with a second, powerful faction that remained wedded to outmoded ideas of America's limited relevance on the global stage and that refused to accept the existence of practical limits to British power. This conflict play~ out in several areas of British policy-over diplomatic, military, financial, and political affairs. Intelligence, however, provea a favoured weapon. Intercepted communications, sometimes ripped from their context, caused serious but spurious paranoia that the Americans were collaborating with Germany. Previous scholars, however, by ignoring the weapon, have failed to see the battle. Until it entered the war, American policymakers worked t:u:elessly to achieve a peaceful settlement. Previous historians have entirely dismissed the significance of these efforts, casting them as well-intentioned but futile. In reality, however, those British leaders who understood Britain's dependence on the United States tended to favour these proposals as a useful way of ending an unwinnable war that was bleeding the country d17- This PhD makes a significant contribution to the history of British intelligence, British policy, and American diplomacy during the period of American neutrality during the First World War.

This work examines the actions of the Joint Chiefs of Staff during the first year of the Korean War. Officially created in 1947, the Joint Chiefs saw their first true test as an institution during the conflict. At various times, the members of the JCS failed to issue direct orders to their subordinate, resulting in a divide between the wishes of President Truman and General MacArthur over the conduct of the war. By analyzing the interaction between the Joint Chiefs and General Douglas MacArthur, the flaws of both the individual Chiefs as well as the organization as a whole become apparent. The tactical and strategic decisions faced by the JCS are framed within the three main stages of the Korean War.

This research incorporates a decision-making theory which defines the linkage between the public, the media, the president and the Congress. Specifically, I argue that the public holds widely shared domestic and international goals and responds to a number of external cues provided by the president and the media in its evaluation of presidential policies. Although most studies examine overall presidential popularity, there are important differences in the public's evaluations of the president's handling of foreign and domestic policies. Additionally, I am concerned with how the Congress responds to these specific policy evaluations, the president's public activities, and the electoral policy goals of its members when determining whether or not to support the president. Finally, I link together the theoretical assumptions, to examine the influence of varying levels of support among the Congress and the public, and the president's own personal power goals on the type, quantity, and the quality of activities the president will choose. Ultimately, the primary focus of this dissertation is on the sources and consequences of presidential support and the influence of such support on presidential decision-making.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / Although many of Lola Ridge's poems champion the causes of minorities and the disenfranchised, it is too easy to state that politics were the sole reason for her neglect. A simple look at well-known female poets who often wrote about social or political issues during Ridge's lifetime, such as Edna St. Vincent Millay and Muriel Rukeyser, weakens such a claim. Furthermore, Ridge's five books of poetry illustrate that many of her poems focused on themes beyond the political or social. The decisions by critics to focus on selections of Ridge's poems that do not display her ability to employ multiple aesthetics in her poetry have caused them to present her work one-dimensionally. Likewise, politically motivated critics often overlook aesthetic experiments that poets like Ridge employ in their poetry. Few poets during Ridge's time made use of such drastically varied styles, and because her work resists easy categorization (as either traditional or avant-garde), her poetry has largely gone unnoticed by modern scholars. Chapter two of my thesis focuses on a selection Ridge's social and political poems and highlights how Ridge's social poetry coupled with the multiple aesthetics she employed has played a part in her critical neglect. My findings will open up the discussion of Ridge's poetry and situate her work both politically and aesthetically, something no critic has yet attempted. Chapter three examines Ridge’s role as editor of Modern School, Others and Broom. Ridge's work for these magazines, particularly Others and Broom, places her at the center of American modernism. My examination of Ridge's social poetry and her role as editor for two leading literary magazines, in conjunction with her use of multiple aesthetics, will build a strong case for why her work deserves to be recovered.