This essay sets out to bring further knowledge within the field of political participation on an aggregated level in Sweden. The theoretical access point for this study is the modernization theory provided by Lipset (1959). This theory will be investigated to see if variables within this theory have an effect on the Swedish voter turn-out. Furthermore this study aims to investigate if the contexts of the economical situations have an effect on modernization. The main questions of this essay is: (1) what effects do modernization have on voter turn-out in Swedish municipals? (2) Regarding the economic cycles, what influence does the effects of modernization have on voter turn-out? The method used in this essay is a qauntative analysis in the form of a bivariate and a multiple regression analysis. The empirical material in this study includes statistics from different public agencies. The analysis aims to investigate three election years, 1994, 2006 and 2014. The empirical study shows that socioeconomic pre-conditions, such as average income level, and urbanization have a positive and strong effect on the Swedish voter turn-out on an aggregated level. This shows that modernization theory is not relevant in full, it rather shows that certain parts of the original theory is relevant today. The effects modernization have on voter turn-out is also a lot stronger when the economic context is an economic boom. When the economy goes down the effect goes down with it.

My thesis deals with political awareness and participation of students of Faculty of International Relations, University of Economics in Prague. In theoretical part I dealt with models of democracy and the significance of political participation in these models. Afterwards I described political participation tools, especially voter turnout, its decline in Czech Republic and its consequences. In connection with voter turnout I dealt with election campaigns in Czech Republic, especially the negative campaigns, and with the role of mass media in politics. Theoretical part is followed by case study. Its aim is to discover and describe, if the students of Faculty of International Relations are interested in faculty affairs, if they are aware of political situation, if they take part in political participation and what are the factors that influence them the most in decision-making and in their long term political preferences.

The core support for social democratic parties has long rested in labour union members. That is no less true for the Swedish Social Democratic party (SAP) in relation to the main industrial labour union (LO). The support for SAP among LO-member has however faltered in recent years, and increasingly the core voters are lending their support to the Sweden Democrats (SD), a right-wing populist party. The purpose of this study was to identify possible explanations as to why the core voters have abandoned the party, with an emphasis on the party’s own actions and strategy. The method to achieve this were extensive interviews with experts at LO, through which both pre-existing as well as new modells of explanations were developed and presented. Crucially the factors and models intended to explain this occurrence is thus rooted in an union perspective, since the interviewees are expected to express the clearest analysis of the situation, as well as represent the interests of their members. The study has found a number of possible reasons for the core voter flight. 1) Underlying reasons, i.e changes in the socioeconomic structure, due to among other things urbanisation, increased employment and education opportunities – which has eroded working class consciousness and thus the degree of class voting. Furthermore SAP has exacerbated the situation, either 2) subconsciously by adopting new frames of references and changing the party’s class character, or 3) consciously by pursuing a supra-class strategy in order to maximize votes. Regardless of how or why the party currently lacks its former ability to appeal to its working class base. Furthermore it can in part be ascribed to a prioritizing of strategic aims above ideological ones. However, the party can reverse the trend of core voter flight by refocusing on classic social democratic policies of redistribution, welfare, and class politics.

The problem of the sustainability of the welfare state became over several last years one of the most important political, medial and social topics in the Czech republic. Recent experience from countries of southern Europe are showing, that large welfare states are in their current size economically unsustainable, because they significantly participate on creating public budget's deficits and on the growth of government debt. In this master's thesis I deal with exploring the possibility, that political parties in the Czech republic conduct a reduction of the Czech welfare state's size. The thesis draws on the economic theory of democracy developed by Joseph Schumpeter and Anthony Downs and the argumentation builds on its assumption that political parties are rational actors motivated purely by gaining votes and winning elections. Based on this assumption, I develop an economic model of partisan decision-making and conclude conditions, that allow political parties to decide rationally in accordance with their assumed motivation to conduct the reduction of the welfare state. The fulfillment of these conditions is consequently being empirically analyzed for the specific case of the Czech republic. The results of my analysis show, that none of these conditions is fulfilled in the Czech republic - by...

The purpose of this thesis is to explore whether the drop in voter turnout between the 2009 and 2014 European Parliament elections, as well as the general apathy toward the politics of the European Union, in the Czech Republic was contributed to by the mass media. Specifically, this thesis will examine the two most read daily newspapers of both 2009 and 2014, Blesk and Mladá Fronta Dnes, and analyze its articles with the use of search words in order to assess whether any change occurred in the way the European Union, its policies and institutions, were presented immediately prior to the 2009 and 2014 European Parliament elections. This will be achieved through the use of content analysis, both quantitative and qualitative, while evaluating the articles in comparative fashion. The thesis will argue that, given the essential role of the media as intermediary between the world of politics and the electorate, the portrayal, or lack thereof, of the European Union is a factor in explaining the electoral dynamics of the country. Key Words: voter turnout; European Parliament elections; mass media; electoral apathy Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

1 Abstract This paper tries to demonstrate an incorrect perception of the Czech municipal electoral system by voters. In order achieve this aim I identified the following research questions. Firstly, what is the perception of preferential voting by voters in the Czech local electoral system? Secondly, do voters use a strategic voting in the municipal elections? Thirdly, is there some influence on voters' decisions depending on the form of a candidate subject? These questions were answered on the basis of my own research, which took place in a chosen municipality. I showed that voters perceive preferential voting by the wrong way, which primarily comes from their low awareness of the electoral system. Furthermore, it was found that the different perception of the candidates affects a voter behavior. Unfortunately, whether voters use a strategically choice in municipal elections, I could not prove it.

Valdeltagandet i EP-valet har historiskt sett varit betydligt lägre än valdeltagandet vid nationella val, både för medborgare i Europeiska unionen som hos de svenska medborgarna. I denna undersökning tittar vi närmare på de faktorer som potentiellt påverkar huruvida man deltar eller ej. Från den tidigare forskningen hämtar vi förklaringar som kön, ålder, utbildning etc och applicerar dessa på valdeltagandet. Vi ämnar undersöka i vilken utsträckning samma individer deltar i riksdagsvalet och EP-valet, samt att undersöka vilka faktorer, om några, som påverkar benägenheten hos individer att delta i riksdagsvalet och EP-valet. Vi undersöker om det är samma eller olika faktorer som påverkar deras deltagande i dessa val. Vi använder data inhämtat från Europaparlamentsvalundersökningen 2019 som genomfördes i samarbete mellan Statsvetenskapliga institutionen vid Göteborgs universitet och Statistiska centralbyrån (SCB) och med hjälp av en korstabell och logistisk regression kommer vi bland annat fram till att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant samband mellan utbildning och politisk kunskap och deltagande i EP-valet, vilket inte finns i riksdagsvalet. Vi ser även att det finns ett statistiskt signifikant samband mellan kön och deltagande i riksdagsvalet vilket inte finns i EP-valet. Faktorerna inkomst, politisk diskussion och konsumtion av politiska nyheter har ett starkare samband och påverkan i riksdagsvalet än vad det har i EP-valet. Medan politiskt intresse har ett starkare samband och påverkan i EP-valet än i riksdagsvalet. / The voter turnout in the elections to the European Parliament have historically been low among the citizens in the European Union, including Sweden. In this study, our aim is to further investigate which factors affect voter turnout. From the previous research, we derive explanations such as gender, age, education, etc. and apply these to voter turnout. We intend to investigate to what extent the same individuals participate in the parliamentary elections and the European Parliament elections, as well as to investigate which factors, if any, influence the propensity of individuals to participate in the parliamentary elections and the EP elections. We are interested in investigating whether similar or different factors influence their participation in these elections. We use data obtained from the European Parliament election survey 2019, which was carried out in collaboration between the Department of Political Science at the University of Gothenburg and Statistics Sweden and by using a cross table and logistic regression, we conclude that there is a statistically significant relationship between education and political knowledge and participation in the EP election, which is not found in the parliamentary election. Additionally we discover that there is a statistically significant relationship between gender and participation in the parliamentary election, which is not found in the EP election. The factors income, political discussion and consumption of political news have a stronger connection and influence in the parliamentary elections compared to the EP elections. Conversely, political interest demonstrates a stronger association and influence in the EP election than in the parliamentary election

In many economic applications, a collective outcome experienced by a group of people is determined by individual decisions made by its constituents. Hence, understanding how individuals make decisions in group settings is important, but empirical and observational analyses are often complicated by confounding factors. This dissertation contains three essays that use controlled experiments designed to isolate, and measure the impact of, mechanisms predicted to affect behavior. Chapter 1 studies behavior under digital anonymity. A distinctive feature of the digital world is the ability to calibrate or withhold one's identifier: a person can be identified by a string of letters, an avatar, their real name, or even nothing at all. That digital identifiers allow a person to mask their physical identity also makes it difficult to attribute digital actions to a physical person, even when the actions are observed. I embed these features in an experiment where subjects play a finitely repeated, linear public goods game. Treated subjects are identified in one of three ways—by their photograph, by a random number, or by a self-designed cartoon avatar—and their individual choices are revealed and either attributed to, or decoupled from, their identifier. In line with the previous literature, identifying subjects and increasing the precision of attribution increases contributions relative to a baseline condition without identifiers or revealed individual choices. Remarkably, however, the largest impact on behavior comes from having an identifier in the first place: for a given level of attribution, the experimental data suggest that being identified by a number or by an avatar is as powerful as being identified by one's photograph. Chapter 2 studies whether and how individuals imbue digital avatars with self image and social image considerations. While digital avatars have become more commonplace and sophisticated, they need not resemble the physical appearance of the person using it. This inconsistency raises the question of how an avatar induces image considerations, relative to a person's physical appearance. I embed avatars into a dictator game and conduct two experiments, one addressing self image and the other social image. The direction of the treatment effect in the dictator game for both experiments suggests that individuals do attach image considerations to their avatars, though the effects are not statistically significant. Additionally, I find that subjects create significantly more positively perceived avatars when they know that their avatar will be shown to another subject who will decide how to allocate an endowment with them. Chapter 3, joint with Alessandra Casella and Michelle Jiang, studies the impact of an alternative voting system on the minority's turnout and resultant victories. We start from the observation that under majoritarian election systems, securing participation and representation of minorities remains an open problem, made salient in the US by its history of voter suppression. One remedy recommended by the courts is Cumulative Voting (CV): each voter has as many votes as open positions and can cumulate votes on as few candidates as desired. Theory predicts that CV encourages the minority to overcome obstacles to voting: although each voter is treated equally, CV increases minority's turnout relative to the majority, and the minority's share of seats won. A lab experiment based on a costly voting design strongly supports both predictions. Chapter 3 was published in Volume 141 of Games and Economic Behavior, pp. 133-155, September 2023, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.geb.2023.05.012.

Thesis (M.Phil.)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The democratic order is still in its early evolutionary stages in South Africa. Although the success of the 1994 democratic elections kindled hope for a promising future, democracy needs to be safeguarded if it is to develop in South Africa. Safeguarding a democracy requires a constant scrutiny of governing policies and procedures to ensure that they remain conducive to its positive development. Of fundamental importance to the transmission of democracy is an electoral system and its policies. Any electiongoverning policy that reduces public confidence in the electoral system is not conducive to the development of a democracy. This study analyses the policy of voter registration as it directly impacts on the format of an election. Since this policy is being applied for the first time in the short history legitimate democratic elections in South Africa, the study looks beyond the noble objectives as given by the policymakers. The lEC and the Government argue that the policy is aimed at improving the legitimacy of the electoral system by eliminating the ID related forms of electoral fraud. The significance of the study lies in its critical analysis of the actual policymaking process of this legislation, as well as its implementation. In order to assess the democratic legitimacy of the policymaking stage, the study takes a closer look at the roles of all the stakeholders in the policymaking process. Further, the study describes the constitutional controversies of the provisions of the policy, as well as its actual registration process. The understanding behind the latter description is that a policy is of no use if it cannot be implemented. In short, by describing, explaining and analysing the policy from its historical, legislative, and implementation phases, the study gives an insight into how this new policy relates to the development of the South African democracy. Although this study found no conclusive evidence of the negative impact of the policy on the outcome of the election, the nature of debates, the practical difficulties of implementation by the IEC, as well as the Court debates have all raised new questions that could require further analysis. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die demokratiese bewind in Suid-Afrika is tans nog in die vroeë stadia van ontwikkeling. Hoewel die sukses van die demokratiese verkiesings in 1994 die vertroue in die moontlikheid van 'n belowende toekoms laat styg het, moet voortdurend gewaak word teen afbreek van die demokrasie in Suid-Afrika, en ruimte gemaak word vir die verdere ontwikkeling daarvan. Die beveiliging van 'n demokrasie verg aanhoudende noukeurige beskouing van die regering se beleid, en die uitvoer daarvan, om te verseker dat dit die positiewe ontwikkeling van die demokrasie bevorder. Die verkiesingstelsel en beleid is van fundamentele belang vir die vestiging van demokrasie. 'n Beleid wat die algemene vertroue in die verkiesingstelsel benadeel, sal nie die ontwikkeling van enige demokrasie bevorder nie. Hierdie studie ontleed die direkte invloed van die kieserregistrasie-beleid op die formaat van die 1999 verkiesing. Aangesien hierdie beleid vir die eerste keer in die kort geskiedenis van Suid-Afrikaanse verkiesings toegepas word, kyk die studie verder as die edele doel beoog deur die skeppers van die beleid. Die OVK en die Regering beweer dat die beleid gerig is daarop om die regverdigheid van die verkiesingstelsel te verbeter deur die uitskakeling van ID-verbonde verkiesingsbedrog. Die studie is veral belangrik in die kritiese ontleding van die skeppingsproses van die beleid self, sowel as die implementering daarvan. Om die demokratiese regverdigheid van die skeppingstadium van die beleid te kan beoordeel, val die soeklig veralop die rol van alle deelnemers aan hierdie proses. Die grondwetlike probleme met dele van die beleid sowel as die registrasieproses word beskryf. Hierdie beskrywing word gedoen vanuit die oogpunt dat 'n beleid geen doel kan dien tensy dit geïmplementeer kan word nie. Kortliks, deur die beleid te beskryf, te verduidelik en te ontleed in sy historiese, wetgewende en implementeringsfases, gee die studie 'n insig in die verhouding van hierdie nuwe beleid tot die ontwikkeling van die Suid-Afrikaanse demokrasie. Hoewel geen afdoende bewyse van 'n negatiewe invloed van die beleid op die uitkoms van die verkiesing deur hierdie studie bewys is nie, is sake wat verdere ontleding kan verg geopper in verband met die aard van die besprekings om die beleid, die praktiese moeilikhede van implementering deur die OVK, asook die besprekings in die hof.

This study assesses the levels of diversity in the jury source lists in the State of Georgia utilizing voter registration data as of February 1997, and the effects of the National Voter Registration Act (NVRA) on diversity levels. The data indicates that, while the NVRA has increased registration rates, the rates for blacks has been only slightly higher than that of whites. Thus, the problems of diversity have not been significantly effected by the NVRA.This paper discusses the issue of cognizable class, and reiterates arguments supporting the recognition of young persons and non-voters as cognizable. Also assessed are the methods of measuring source list disparity, with attention given to problems associated with the absolute disparity test, and argues for the use of the Chi-Square "Goodness of Fit" test to measure source list disparity.Current levels of disparity are calculated using both absolute disparity and ChiSquare. These are found in the appendix. Analysis is done by assessing the percentage of source lists (for which there is data) that should be presumed invalid using the five percent criterion for absolute disparity and the fifty percent criterion for Chi-Square.Analysis using both absolute disparity and Chi-Square indicates that many source lists in the State of Georgia are not representative of the population. While absolute disparity invalidates only few source lists, the Chi-Square statistic indicates that the problem is much more widespread.Both absolute disparity and Chi-Square results indicate that age is the most important variable with regard to under-representation. Young persons (18-29) are found to be under-represented more often than any other group regardless of race and/or sex. This is particularly evident when looking at the Chi-square results. While blacks are generally found to be under-represented more often when compared to similar sex and age aggregates for whites, the levels of under-representation of race and sex aggregates remain closely related to age. / Department of Political Science