Orientador: Marcus Aloizio Martinez de Aguiar / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Física Gleb Wataghin / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T15:46:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Moreira_CarolinaArruda_M.pdf: 4382090 bytes, checksum: 433897428b81157ccaeb3d7af604a731 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Nesta dissertação, estudamos um processo dinâmico binário similar ao modelo do eleitor em redes complexas. Este modelo descreve uma eleição com dois candidatos e um grupo de N eleitores indecisos, que podem mudar de ideia adotando a opinião de um de seus contatos em uma rede de amigos ou de formadores de opinião. Os nós da rede social possuem estado interno rotulados por 0 ou 1, de acordo com a atual intenção de voto de cada indivíduo. Os formadores de opinião têm ideia fixa e podem influenciar a rede inteira dos eleitores indecisos. Estes são modelados por nós "fixos" na rede, conectados a todos os nós livres da rede de eleitores, aos quais quantificamos por N0 fixos no estado 0 e N1 fixos no estado 1. Calculamos a distribuição de probabilidade P(m) de que o candidato 1 conquiste m votos. Estudamos a dinâmica em redes estrela e comparamos os resultados com os obtidos para redes totalmente conectadas. Em ambos os casos a transição de fase entre os estados de equilíbrio ordenado e desordenado é observada à medida que N0 e N1 se aproximam de zero; no entanto, esse comportamento difere consideravelmente para as duas topologias: enquanto o ponto crítico ocorre exatamente para N0 = N1 = 1para qualquer tamanho N na rede totalmente conectada, tornando a distribuição de equilíbrio uniforme, nas redes estrela o ponto crítico depende de N e se escala com N0 = N1 ? ?N, levando a distribuição de equilíbrio se separar em dois picos, o que reflete os dois estados possíveis do nó central. Obtemos também soluções analíticas aproximadas que se mantêm perto da transição de fase e esclarecem o papel do nó central no processo. Além disso, estendemos a dinâmica abordada para o caso em que cada nó é representado por dois "bits", de modo a existirem quatro estados internos possíveis, (0,0), (0,1), (1,0) e (1,1). Esta abordagem objetiva buscar quais as características dinâmicas de um sistema que apresente nós com restrições na interação. Nesta situação, não encontramos novidades entre as dinâmicas de um e dois bits / Abstract: In this work, we study a dynamical process similar to the voter model on complex networks. This model describes an election with two candidates and a group of N undecided voters that can change their minds by adopting either the opinion of a contact in a social network or the opinion of opinion makers. The nodes of the social network have an internal state labeled by 0 or 1 according to the current voting intention of each individual. The opinion makers have a fixed opinion and can influence the entire set of undecided voters. They are modeled as ''fixed'' nodes connected to all free nodes on the social network and we quantify by N0 the number of nodes fixed in state 0 and by N1 those fixed in state 1. We calculate the probability distribution P(m) that candidate 1 receives m votes. We study this dynamics on star networks and we compare the results with those obtained from fully connected networks. In both cases the transition between the ordered and disordered equilibrium states is observed as N0 and N1 approach zero; however, this behavior differs significantly between the two topologies: while the critical point occurs exactly in N0 = N1 = 1 for fully connected networks and it is independent of the network size N, which leads to a uniform probability distribution, for star networks the critical point depends on N and scales as N0 = N1 ? ?N, and the distribution probability splits into two peaks, reflecting the two possible states of the central node. We also obtain an approximate analytical solution that holds near the phase transition, which clarifies the role of the central node in the process. Besides, we extend the dynamics approach to the case where each node is represented by two ''bits'' such that there are four possible internal states (0,0), (0,1), (1,0) and (1,1). This approach aims to search what are the systems' dynamical characteristics under restrictions in the interaction. In this case, we didn't find any new results between the one and two bits dynamics / Mestrado / Física / Mestra em Física

The relationship of attitude measurement with the political campaign process provides the problem area that this study considers. The purpose of this political communication study is to explore in detail and describe various "attitude" profiles of voters and resulting candidate "images" of the 1972 presidential election. These "attitudes" and "images" are determined through the use of three primary research instruments: the semantic differential scale, the Method of Ordered Alternatives, and the political philosophy continuum. In addition to these, a record of actual voting behavior serves as validating support of the measured attitudes. This study deals with "attitudes" toward and candidate "images" of George McGovern, R. Sargent Shriver, Richard M. Nixon, and Spiro T. Agnew, the Democratic and Republican candidates for President and Vice-President in 1972. This descriptive investigation unfolds into three major problem areas: 1. to report and describe "panoramic images" of Nixon,. McGovern, Agnew, and Shriver, as measured by the semantic differential scale. 2. to give an account of voter preferred positions A through I as measured by the Method of Ordered Alternatives in connection with "attitude" as measured by the evaluative factor of the semantic differential scale, and subsequently aligned with actual voting behavior. 3. to determine the relationship between voters' own political philosophies and their perceived political philosophies of the four candidates as measured by the political philosophy continuum. The remainder of this chapter overviews the historical mileau of the 1972 presidential campaign, explains the research design and procedures, and offers an organizational preview of the remaining five chapters.

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I denna studie undersöks en potentiell digitalisering av det svenska valsystemet. Utöver en undersökning kring vad en digitalisering av valsystemet innebär presenteras olika digitala valalternativ som finns till det traditionella valsystemet. Samtidigt samlas åsikter in från svenska valdeltagare om vad de tycker om dessa olika valsystem och vilket system som valdeltagarna anser uppfyller sitt syfte mest optimalt. Potentiella fördelar och nackdelar som kan uppstå för valdeltagare vid en digitalisering av röstningsprocessen, samt de primära skillnader som finns mellan det traditionella valsystemet kontra ett digitalt valsystem är även ett huvudområde inom denna studie. Avslutningsvis kommer det i denna studie att forskas kring vad som förhindrar digitaliseringen av valsystemet. All information har samlats in via en litteraturstudie samt en intervju med Valmyndigheten, som ansvarar för att svenska val ska fungera. Utöver detta har valdeltagare kontaktats via en enkät som har skapats för att samla in valdeltagares ställning till de olika valsystemen som presenteras. / Within this study a potential digitalization of the Swedish electoral system is made. Beyond a research around what a digitalisation of the electoral system means will this study present different digital alternatives to the traditional electoral system. Meanwhile, opinions will be collected from Swedish election participants regarding what election system they prefer and what system they think is the most optimal. Potential benefits and disadvantages for the election participants that could originate from a digitalization of the election system is also a key goal of the study. Finally within this study a research about what prevents a digitalisation will be presented. All the information has been collected through a theory research and an interview with Valmyndigheten, who is responsible for Swedish elections. Beyond the interview and the theory study a survey has been made to collect the voter participators position regarding the different electoral systems presented.

The purpose of this study is to investigate whether there has been a divergence between the aims of LO and the Social Democratic Party in Sweden during the period 1994–2018. This study also has the purpose of investigating whether this has affected which party the members of LO will vote for in the Swedish elections. The hypothesis of this study is that there has been a divergence between LO and the Social Democratic Party and that the aims differ more in 2018 than they did back in 1994. This is a qualitative text analysis with the purpose of both being descriptive and explanatory. This study is scientifically relevant as it highlights the role of ideology in Swedish politics and how this can affect voter support. It is also interesting for people who are not researchers since this affects Swedish politics and therefore everyone who lives in Sweden. This study shows that there has been a noticeable divergence between the aims of LO and the Social Democratic party in Sweden during the period of 1994–2018. Back in the 1970:s there was also a divergence between the aims of LO and the Social Democratic Party. During the 1970:s, the members of LO to a lesser extent voted for the Social Democratic Party which supports the hypothesis of this study. The hypothesis was correct but the noticeable divergence was not the divergence that was expected since the study showed that LO more and more had switched focus from broad policy areas to labour policy. The answer to the question whether this divergence probably has affected which party the members of LO will vote for or not, is yes. It is very probable that the divergence between LO and the Social Democratic Party has affected which party the members of LO will vote for.

This diploma thesis deals with the Senate of the Parliament of the Czech Republic in view of history, voter turnout and electoral system. The main purpose of the thesis is to present the Senate in terms of broad perspective, based on the analysis of selected parts of the political system. The thesis is a case study which includes an analysis of the Czech Constitution preparations, a voter turnout analysis with the main purpose to present crucial trends and simulation of some variations of qualified plurality rule on existing electoral results of the Senate elections. There is also the theory of bicameralism presented as a part of the theoretical part in the thesis. Based on the analysis the thesis presents extensive conclusions. In the view of history there are historical and ideological circumstances and also political demands of participants in the case of proposing the institution of Senate. The main conclusion on the view of voter turnout is that since 2008 there has been a continual decrease, particularly in run-off. The thesis brings two groups of solution in order that the Senate elections voter turnout might increase. First, technical changes in the electoral act could be made, and second, the whole electoral system in terms of single-round option could be changed. Based on the simulation,...

Voting in an election is the most basic and fundamental form of political participation in a democracy. Citizens are given the opportunity to elect legislators that take political decisions on their behalf. As immigration is increasing globally, many immigrants find themselves with this opportunity for the very first time immigrating from authoritarian regimes. Are immigrants from authoritarian regime able to adapt to their new political setting, or is there an observable difference in voter turnout based on the regime-type of the immigrant’s native country? There exist three branches of theories within the theoretical framework of political resocializa-tion: the theory of exposure, the theory of transferability and the theory of resistance. Previous research on the adaptability of immigrants from authoritarian regimes is often single case stud-ies that only analyse one of the three branches or analyse different forms of political participa-tion and have produced somewhat contradicting results. With empirical evidence remaining the relationship between voter turnout and regime-type is yet to be fully comprehended. By using data from the European Value Survey, this study tests all three theories of political resocializa-tion in 34 countries, to further generate insight into this matter. The results show that immigrants from authoritarian regimes are not less likely to vote in the national election of their new host country. The amount of exposure to the new host country, or whether the immigrant spent his “formative years” in the authoritarian regime are not statisti-cally significant to voting. Age, marital status, education and income are shown to be more statistically significant predictors to voter turnout, compared to regime-type.

Presidentvalet 2020 slog rekord i USA, det slogs inte bara röstningsrekord pån nationell nivå utan flertalet delstater såg det högsta valdeltagandet någonsin. USA har sedan mitten av 1900-talet haft ett mycket lågt valdeltagande. Då presidentvalet 2020 slog ett över 100 år gammalt rekord finns det tecken som tyder på att det amerikanska valdeltagandet blir allt högre. Den här uppsatsen har därför som mål att undersöka och utforska de faktorer som kan ha bidragit till att amerikanerna valde att gå man ur huse för att lägga sina röster. Tidigare studier om valdeltagandet i USA har fokuserat på varför amerikaner inte röstar, den har uppsatsen menar finna en förklaring till varför amerikaner faktiskt röstar och hur det har bidragit till det rekordhöga valdeltagandet. Uppsatsen antar att det är skiftande värderingar som ligger bakom det ökande valdeltagandet, till exempel att bosatta på landsbygden besitter materialistiska värderingar och att stadsbor besitter postmaterialistiska värderingar. Vidare antas det att det under det sena 1900-talet skedde ett kulturellt skifte och att vi idag ser en motreaktion till den vilket har gjort den amerikanska väljaren mer aktiv, samt att den amerikanska väljaren har blivit mer engagerad, både politiskt och icke-politiskt vilket har bidragit till ökad kompetens bland väljarkåren. / The U.S. Presidential election of 2020 was record-breaking. It was the first time in over 100 years that the United States had seen such high voter turnout. Since the mid20th century, the U.S. has seen a very low voter turnout, but it has been on the incline in later years. Therefore, this essay aims to research and explore the potential factors behind the increasing number of voters. Previous studies on voter turnout in the U.S.have focused on why Americans do not vote. This essay, in contrast, aims to find the potential causes as to why the American voter has become more active than previously. The essay assumes that there are different values amongst those living in urban and rural areas, contributing to the increased voter turnout. It is also assumed that there was a shift from materialistic values to post-materialistic values during the latter half of the 20th century, and the increasing number of voters is due to a reaction towards this shift. What is more, the essay assumes that the American voter has become more engaged, both politically and non-politically, making the American voter more competent and more trusting of their abilities.

Few studies have investigated the impact of language policies on voter turnout. India is one of the most linguistically diverse countries in the world, where hundreds of languages are spoken by the population, but only certain languages are granted official status. At the subnational level, all States have the right to decide upon their own official languages. Across States, there is great variation in terms of how large shares of their populations that speak (one of) the official language(s). Using aggregate level data from the Election Commission and the 2011 Census, this quantitative study of 624 Indian districts investigates the relationship between voter turnout in State elections (dependent variable) and the share of the population speaking the official State language (independent variable) through a multivariate OLS regression analysis. The preliminary results indicate a positive relationship between voter turnout and more inclusive language policies, implying that more people vote in districts where more people speak the official State language.

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