This study aims to describe President Donald J. Trump’s emergency communication onTwitter in relation to two cases of emergency: The Corona pandemic and the alleged voterfraud in the presidential election of 2020. By applying two different sets of theoreticalperspectives, one ideological and one rationalistic, to the president’s emergencycommunication, the study also aims to find ways to understand what kind of motivation laysbehind the president’s communication. The studies research questions are as follows: 1. Howdoes President Trump communicate on Twitter in relation to the two cases of emergency? 2.How can Trump’s emergency communication be understood from an ideological perspective?3. How can Trump’s emergency communication be understood from a rationalisticperspective?The study is based on an abductive approach but grounded in Rubenstein’s (2015) definitionof the emergency claim and emergency politics. A qualitative content analysis was applied tothe president’s Twitter communication in relation to the two cases of emergency. 10% of thetweets that related to four search terms (covid, coronavirus, voter fraud and election) wasanalyzed to search for patterns of meaning in relationship to the two theoretical perspectives.The study finds that President Trump’s emergency communication can be described asvarying between the cases but ultimately be seen as a consequence of the president’s relationto the emergency. By applying the two theoretical perspectives on the two cases the study alsofinds that the best way to understand President Trump’s emergency communication is asmotivated by rationalism but grounded in arguments that refer to the American version of theconservative ideology.

This paper seeks to understand the persistence of disenfranchisement policies and the disproportionate impact these policies have on marginalized groups of the American electorate, specifically black Americans. Felon disenfranchisement, or the restriction of voting rights for criminals convicted of felonies, has been a long-standing policy throughout the United States. Using public opinion data from the 2014 General Social Survey (GSS), this paper analyzes how certain characteristics, such as race, age, and political party identification, can influence opinions about democratic rights and whether criminals should lose theirs once convicted. The results of this analysis could help explain why disenfranchisement policies have persisted throughout U.S. history, especially if these policies have consistently high levels of support from the general public.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI) / This paper expands previous research analyzing the impact voting laws have on voter turnout in national elections in the United States. I analyzed voter turnout in the 2008 Presidential Election and the 2010 off year election in all fifty states to see if voting restrictions declined turnout. My results show evidence that the further away from Election Day voter registration ends, the lower voter turnout a state can expect. I also found laws requiring employers to allow employees time off work to vote on Election Day had lower voter turnout rates than the states allowing employer discretion to determine whether an employee can take time off work to vote. Lastly, my paper shows evidence allowing anyone to vote by mail had a significant increase in the 2008 Presidential Election voter turnout rates compared to states requiring an excuse. However, I did not find any statistical significance in the 2010 off year election.

The first Black American president ran for re-election in the 2012 election, which saw record-breaking voter turnout. After this election, scholars sought to examine what social identities impacted voter turnout and, found that non-Hispanic Black voters played a critical role in shaping President Obama’s success. Although the effects of social identities on voter turnout are the focus of an extensive body of existing research, many scholars study the separate effects of characteristics, such as race/ethnicity, gender or party identification. Utilizing public opinion data from the 2016 General Survey Study (GSS), this paper seeks to examine the intersectional effects of race, ethnicity, and gender on voter turnout in the 2012 Presidential Election. The findings of this can assist in understanding the impact these social identities had on turnout for non-Hispanic Black women in the 2012 presidential election and provide a basis for studying these intersecting factors in succeeding elections.

This paper attempts to shed light into the realm of school boards, a frequently overlooked topic in political science literature. This study examines the relationship between a school board electoral structure and voter turnout levels. In particular, the author hypothesizes that ward-based elections due to their inherent smallness have higher voter turnout levels than at-large elections. In crafting such a relationship a mixed-method approach was used combining elements found in case studies with an intervention analysis. The paper describes voter turnout levels from 1989 to 2007 for a single, medium-sized school district in Illinois that had switched its style of elections from at-large to ward. It was found that following the switch to ward elections turnout actually decreased. However, the results were not statistically significant. The variable of competitiveness was also tested as it was thought that the more competitive elections were the more voter turnout increases. Here again, the author found no relationship between competitiveness and the election structure in ward and at-large elections. In concluding, the author states that some unseen intervening variable such as information costs may be influencing the relationship and significance between voter turnout and election structure. / Master of Arts

The study of race relations in England developed in the modern era amongst conflict between races, political parties and local communities. England, consisting of a predominantly white population, is an interesting case of race relations in that immigrants of color seem to be in the center of many of the most controversial conflicts of the past century. Existing research on race relations in England suggests that the region is largely racist due to the conflicts of the past and the current political success of the anti-immigrant extreme right-wing parties (ERPs). But the times at which these parties have been successful compared with high levels of animosity towards non-white immigrant groups have not been thoroughly studied in the past decade. This research will attempt to answer questions regarding racial hostility and ERP success. Do ERPs receive support from purely racist groups during times of high levels of immigration? Or is their racist rhetoric cloaked by logical justification for anti-immigrant policies? ERPs such as the British National Party and The National Front have risen, fallen, evolved and dissolved since the 1960s. They have, in some cases, worked together to gain votes, but eventually break apart to form small, non-political factions that concentrate on social protests. Most recently, England has seen the decline of these particular ERPs, although anti-immigrant social groups still remain strong. Those that were associated with recently dissolved ERPs may turn their attention United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), a party that has a message similar to the BNP, but has a more consistent and attractive political platform. UKIP is an anti-immigrant party and its current success is an interesting case study in this thesis.

No description available.

We have acquired, over the last several decades, a fairly rich understanding of the impact on voter behavior of political communication in general and of political advertising specifically. Yet much of this knowledge pertains to “traditional,” candidate-centered elections; comparatively very little is known with regards to ballot initiative races. In principle, these contests pit not people, but proposed policies, against each other. In practice, however, they not only feature ads discussing policy, but also frequently comprise ads highlighting a measure’s supporters and opponents, be they individuals, non-profit groups, media outlets, industries, or political parties. This, in turn, leads to a basic query: what types of advertising message carry the greatest weight with voters in initiative contests – and how do they differ (if at all) from the effects they have in similar ads run in candidate-centered elections? Through an original experiment, this dissertation aims to break new ground in the voter behavior, media effects, and direct democracy literature by tackling this question. / Political Science

The Black Codes were laws set in place by various states-particularly those located in the South-to limit the political power and social influence of African-Americans in the U.S. These laws came into existence during Reconstruction and transformed into the Jim Crow Laws, ushering in a new form of discrimination that sought to subjugate the African-American people under the foot of white power. These laws were overturned by the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The intent of these legislative acts were to guarantee all individuals of voting age the right to participate in the political process of this nation and to affect change in the social fabric of society. In recent years, states have proposed laws that require identification before voting at the voting polls. These laws appear to affect minorities in a negative way, particularly those on a lower socio-economic scale. Are these laws being approved to prevent voter fraud... or are they being used to strip Africans in America of their right to vote? I examine the historical context of the Black Codes and look at the contemporary public policy of the United States through a Critical Race Theory (CRT) framework. I compare these two legislative traditions to identify similarities and continuities. To achieve these goals, I use historical documents, peer-reviewed journals, and other publications to explore this phenomenon, and from there, describe the probable ramifications that these policies will have for the African-American community. This project also evaluates a number of solutions proposed by black political figures to address these challenges, who have offered ways to empower the African-American community to combat the newly-reborn Black Codes. / African American Studies

The purpose of this paper is to attempt to identify if different levels of young members of parliament have a noticeable effect on young voters. This is done by examining electoral turnout and trust in parliament through statistical analysis using Denmark and Sweden as comparative cases. This paper is grounded in recent studies and research into young voter behaviour and relevant factors for political participation, it also takes into account the increasing volume of argumentative writings on increasing representation of young voters in official offices such as parliaments. The data used for the statistical analysis is the European Social Survey, specifically round 9. In 2018 both Sweden and Denmark were at the end of government periods and therefore the data takes into account a period of differing levels in young members of parliament. The findings of this study confirm differences between young voters of Sweden and Denmark, trust does not differ despite different levels of young members of parliament between Denmark and Sweden but electoral turnout does and young age is much less important for young voter turnout in Sweden compared to Denmark. Which could be related to the different levels of young members of parliament.