U.S. Puerto Rico relations have always been mystifying to countless U.S. citizens, due to inconsistent policies and judicial decisions from the United States. Puerto Ricans have no control over immigration, yet they can decide the future of the island nation. Puerto Rico is a nation under colonial rule. Paul R. Bras sistains the possibility of corporate recognition for the ethnic group as a separate nationality within an existing state evocative of the United States. The United States has treated Puerto Rico as foreign country nevertheless at times as domestic. Under U.S. law and jurisprudence Puerto Rico is not part of the United States but rather the island is a possession. The elctoral difference between the two major political parties is less than three percent. Non-native voters in the island can have the clout to decide the ultimate political status of the island. A key concern to the problem is who are considered non-native voters in Puerto Rico. Non-native voters are those who have not been born in the Puerto Rico nor have one of their parents born in the island. The exclusion is legally and politically achievable. There are many countries (Ex. East Timor) in the world, former colonies (Ex. Namibia), and previous U.S. territories (Ex. Hawaii) that serve as examples of exclusion. Voting rights in plebiscites are determined by law. U.N. General Assembly Resolution 1514, states that all powers have to be in the hands of the people of Puerto Rico. International law and policies sustain that the future political status of colonies is to be determined by the nation. Puerto Rico lacks representation in the U.S. Government. When this happens the unrepresented become a separate nation. William Appelman Williams stated thet "the principle of self determination when taken seriously ...means a ploicy of standing aside for people to make their own choices, economic as well as political and cultural." Under international las and policies of self-determination Puerto Rico can exclude non-native voters. Judicial precedents make this point very comprehensible.

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This study discusses voting behavior of the citizens in The Czech republic. Traditional studies of voting behavior differentiate between voters and nonvoters according to their turnout in one election. This thesis takes up multielection approach and differentiates three categories of voting behavior- voters, nonvoters and irregular voters. Specific features of voters, nonvoters and irregular voters are identified using logistic regression analysis. Theoretically, the study is based on socioeconomic, motivational and mobilization theories of turnout. The focus is put on the decision making of irregular voters. Circumstances tied with irregular voters' turnout are identified. The discussion on methodological problems connected with multi-election approach and research of electoral behavior generally is part of the thesis. The Czech election study 2010 is a main source of the data for analysis.

Submitted by SBI Biblioteca Digital (sbi.bibliotecadigital@puc-campinas.edu.br) on 2017-06-28T14:34:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 SAULO IN?CIO DA SILVA.pdf: 1245843 bytes, checksum: 1f6ad2e6e9870ad465dc2a9041eda8ad (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-28T14:34:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 SAULO IN?CIO DA SILVA.pdf: 1245843 bytes, checksum: 1f6ad2e6e9870ad465dc2a9041eda8ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-12-06 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior - CAPES / Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica de Campinas ? PUC Campinas / This paper seeks for understanding how the Igreja Mundial do Poder de Deus (IMPD) differs from other post-pentecostal churches because of the extreme charismatic appeal of its leader-founder, Apostle Valdemiro Santiago, for the control of members-voters. It has understood, therefore, that this relationship of power is characterized, among other types of pure Weberian domination, by a preponderance of the ideal type of charismatic domination. In this way, the association of politics with religion (neofundamentalism) is the real motive reason behind such domination. In another words, the substantiation of the Christian faith values offers legitimacy of the use of charismatic domination in order to create political projects that collaborate with the notion of creating a Christian society (building the Kingdom of God in Brazil). Regarding the methodology of the research, we used the categories and the concept of comprehensive sociology of Max Weber, with the overall goal of understanding the ideal types of domination and the specificity of charismatic domination linked to the case of IMPD, and also with the intention of to make clear the reasons of IMPD entrance in politics and its main political and social projects by the actions of church representatives, here called ?IMPD Christ politicians?. / Esta disserta??o procura compreender como a Igreja Mundial do Poder de Deus (IMPD) difere das demais igrejas p?s-pentecostais por causa do extremo apelo carism?tico de seu l?der-fundador, o Ap?stolo Valdemiro Santiago, para o controle dos membros-eleitores. Entende-se, portanto, que essa rela??o de poder se caracteriza, frente aos demais tipos puros de domina??o weberianos, pela preponder?ncia do tipo ideal de domina??o carism?tica. Dessa forma, a associa??o da pol?tica com a religi?o (o neofundamentalismo) se configura no real motivo por tr?s de tal domina??o, ou seja, a fundamenta??o dos valores da f? crist? oferece legalidade ao uso da domina??o carism?tica a fim de se criarem projetos pol?ticos que colaborem para a no??o de cria??o de uma sociedade crist? (constru??o do Reino de Deus no Brasil). Quanto ? metodologia da pesquisa, foram utilizadas as categorias e a conceitua??o da sociologia compreensiva de Max Weber, com o objetivo geral de compreender os tipos ideias de domina??o e a especificidade da domina??o carism?tica atrelada ao caso da IMPD, e com a inten??o de interpretar os motivos da entrada da IMPD na pol?tica e seus principais projetos pol?ticos e sociais, por meio da a??o dos representantes da igreja, aqui denominados ?pol?ticos de Cristo? da IMPD.

"This thesis is a study of the Negro voter in Austin, Texas. The writer hopes that the findings of this study will be a valuable addition to our knowledge of the Negro voter in American politics. The thesis certainly does answer pertinent questions about Negro politics in Austin, Texas. What is the attitude of the Austin Negro toward the two major political parties? What are the attitudes of the Negro voter towards Negro political leaders and organizations? What are some of the personal factors which affect who does and who does not vote among Negroes? What is the influence of the poll tax upon the political behavior of the Negro? It is hoped that this study will answer these questions and others concerning Negro political life in Austin."-- leaf 1.

O sistema de saúde brasileiro teve início na primeira metade do século XX estruturado em um modelo diretamente vinculado ao sistema previdenciário. Ao longo do tempo, este modelo sofreu ampliações e ajustes incrementais. Entretanto, no final do século XX, passou por uma mudança estrutural. Foi transformado em um serviço público como direito de cidadania a ser garantido, pelo Estado, de forma universal e gratuita. A Assembléia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) de 1987/88 pode ser considerada um momento crucial da decisão por esta reforma. Portanto, esta se torna o ponto chave para a análise da mudança de paradigma na política de saúde. Este trabalho examina a transformação do sistema de saúde brasileiro de um modelo de base contributiva para um modelo universal gratuito , tendo como referência analítica a influência das instituições entendidas aqui como regras do processo decisório, instituições governamentais e políticas anteriores. / The Brazilian health system began in the first half of the twentieth century in a structured model directly linked to the pension system. Over time, this model has undergone extensions and incremental adjustments. However, in the late twentieth century, has undergone a structural change. It was transformed into a public service as a citizenship right to be guaranteed by the state, so universal and free. The National Constituent Assembly (1987/88) can be considered a crucial moment of decision for this reform. So this becomes the key point for the analysis of paradigm shift in health policy. This paper examines the transformation of the Brazilian health system a model of the contribution base for a universal free - with reference to analytic influence of institutions - understood here as rules of decision-making, government institutions and previous policies.

More and more, elections around the world seem to be won or lost on the basis of the candidates’ personal qualities rather than their policies. Despite its prevalence in new and established democracies alike, we still know very little about what explains such candidate-centered voting. This study moves our understanding of this issue by examining variation in candidate-centered voting across individuals and electoral contexts in recent presidential elections in the United States, Brazil, and Mexico. I argue that candidate-centered voting is largely an information problem. At the individual level, I focus on the conditioning role of political sophistication, arguing that voters with higher levels of political sophistication engage in less candidate-centered voting due their increased capacity to manage the more cognitively demanding types of information related to policy and performance. Moving beyond the individual level, I consider how candidate-centered voting may vary across electoral contexts as well. In particular, I consider how the institutionalization and structure of political competition shape the cognitive demands on voters, making it more or less difficult for voters to evaluate candidates on bases other than their personalities. To test these arguments, I estimate models of voters’ electoral utilities and vote choices using electoral survey data from the U.S. (2008), Brazil (2002), and Mexico (2000 and 2006). Overall, the empirical analysis supports my individual-level argument regarding political sophistication’s conditioning role. As political sophistication increases, the dominance of candidate considerations in voters’ electoral decisions tends to decrease. Likewise, comparisons in the level of candidate-centered voting across the elections under study suggest that certain aspects of the institutionalization and structure of political competition may help explain contextual variation in candidate-centered voting. / text

This thesis consists of an introduction and four self-contained papers, designated I-IV, which extend previous research on national political parties and voters in Western Europe. More specifically, the issues addressed are parties’ positions and voters’ opinions on European integration and their dynamic interactions, i.e. the extent to which parties’ influence voters’ opinions, voters influence parties, and the conditions under which they influence each other. All four papers make contributions to both the content of the research field and methodology (statistical techniques) applied. Paper I re-examines and evaluates several hypotheses regarding the way national political parties position themselves with respect to European integration. Based on analysis of panel data on references to Europe in the election manifestos of political parties in 16 West European countries between 1970 and 2003, I present evidence that their stances on European integration have been largely determined by their ideology, here measured by the locations of the parties within party families and their general orientation along the left/right ideological continuum. The results indicate that the influence of ideology has diminished over time and parties have adopted more favourable positions towards the European project, but it is too early to ignore the connection between left/right and pro/anti integration, since many marginal parties are still taking oppositional stances that are strongly related to their ideological commitments. In Paper II, I discuss how configurational comparative methods (i.e. Qualitative Comparative Analysis, QCA) and statistical methods can be combined to provide tests for the sufficiency of any given set of combination of causal conditions. The potential utility of the mixed-method approach for analyzing political phenomena is demonstrated by applying it to cross-national data regarding party-based Euroscepti¬cism in Western Europe. The findings show that oppositional stances to European integration are mainly restricted to non-governmental ideological fringe parties on both the left and right. Further, radical left parties with Eurosceptical positions are largely restricted to countries with social democratic (i.e. Nordic) welfare state regimes. The empirical example presented in this paper demonstrates that configurational methods can be successfully combined with related statistical methods. Paper III examines and evaluates the link between electorates’ opinions and national political parties’ positions on European integration, i.e. the extent to which political parties lead and/or follow public opinion on this issue. Applying a method for causal modelling to panel data concerning political parties’ positions and voters’ opinions in 15 countries from 1973 to 2003, I find (contrary to previous investigations of this relationship) that there is little empirical support for an electoral connection or reciprocal causation between party positions and electorates’ opinion regarding European integration. Parties have an influence on voter opinions, but they are largely unresponsive to changes in voter opinion. In Paper IV, I examine when parties do (and do not) influence voters’ opinions about EU policy issues. According to previous research, whether parties are able to persuade their constituents to adopt their standpoints depends on several conditions: characteristics and preferences of individual voters, intra-party factors, inter-party factors and several factors that affect the salience of EU issues at the domestic level. Applying hierarchical linear models to data concerning voters’ opinions and political parties’ positions in 14 West European countries, I present findings regarding the conditions under which parties are actually able to influence voters’ opinions concerning European integration.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att förklara vilka sociala och värderingsmässiga faktorer som ökar svenska väljares benägenhet att rösta på Sverigedemokraterna samt undersöka om den mediala och allmänt vedertagna föreställningen om SD-väljaren stämmer. Detta undersöktes med bivariata analyser och ett antal binära logistiska regressionsanalyser. Materialet som användes var ett dataset från European Social Survey från år 2012/13. De oberoende variablerna bestämdes utifrån vad teorin påvisade som möjliga förklaringsfaktorer för att rösta på ett högerextremt parti. De teoretiska utgångspunkterna var; teorin om massamhället, moderniseringens förlorare, xenofobi samt politiskt missnöje. Studiens resultat visar att attityder gällande invandring och låg utbildning är mycket viktiga faktorer för att förstå varför svenska väljare röstar på SD. Resultatet visar också att den mediala och allmänt vedertagna föreställningen om SD-väljaren som en ung, relativt lågutbildad man som känner sig utanför, är politiskt missnöjd och har extrema åsikter i vissa avseenden är delvis missvisande. Detta då resultatet visar att den typiska SD-väljaren är lågutbildad, politiskt missnöjd och har extrema åsikter i vissa avseenden. / The purpose of this essay was to explain which social and attitudinal factors that affect the Swedish voters tendency to vote for the Sweden Democrats and to study if the medial and generally accepted notion of the typical voter of the Sweden Democrats is true. To examine this a number of bivariate analyses and binary logistic regressions was made. The analyses were based on the European Social Survey 2012/13. The independent variables were determined by what our theories established as possible explanatory factors. The theoretical framework consisted of; the mass society theory, the theory of modernization losers, xenophobia and political dissatisfaction. Our results show that low education as well as attitudes towards immigration is important factors for understanding why Swedish voters vote for the Sweden Democrats. Furthermore the results suggests that the medial and generally accepted notion of the typical Sweden Democratic voter as a young, relatively low educated man that feels left out, is politically dissatisfied and has extreme views in some regards are partly misleading. This because the results show that the typical Sweden Democratic voter is low educated, politically dissatisfied and has extreme views in some regards.

O sistema de saúde brasileiro teve início na primeira metade do século XX estruturado em um modelo diretamente vinculado ao sistema previdenciário. Ao longo do tempo, este modelo sofreu ampliações e ajustes incrementais. Entretanto, no final do século XX, passou por uma mudança estrutural. Foi transformado em um serviço público como direito de cidadania a ser garantido, pelo Estado, de forma universal e gratuita. A Assembléia Nacional Constituinte (ANC) de 1987/88 pode ser considerada um momento crucial da decisão por esta reforma. Portanto, esta se torna o ponto chave para a análise da mudança de paradigma na política de saúde. Este trabalho examina a transformação do sistema de saúde brasileiro de um modelo de base contributiva para um modelo universal gratuito , tendo como referência analítica a influência das instituições entendidas aqui como regras do processo decisório, instituições governamentais e políticas anteriores. / The Brazilian health system began in the first half of the twentieth century in a structured model directly linked to the pension system. Over time, this model has undergone extensions and incremental adjustments. However, in the late twentieth century, has undergone a structural change. It was transformed into a public service as a citizenship right to be guaranteed by the state, so universal and free. The National Constituent Assembly (1987/88) can be considered a crucial moment of decision for this reform. So this becomes the key point for the analysis of paradigm shift in health policy. This paper examines the transformation of the Brazilian health system a model of the contribution base for a universal free - with reference to analytic influence of institutions - understood here as rules of decision-making, government institutions and previous policies.