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The aim of this thesis is to analyze the political behavior and party preferences of the voters at the 3 November 2002 elections in terms of the concept &ldquo / New Political Behavior&rdquo / . The structure of this thesis is as follows: In the first chapter, the basic theoretical framework of the concept political behavior is examined. In this chapter, the concept &ldquo / new political behavior&rdquo / is discussed in detail. In the second chapter, the political environment, institutions, traditions and transformation of the Turkish political system are analyzed. The empirical part of this thesis has examined the applicability of the concept &ldquo / new political behavior&rdquo / on 3 November 2002 with an analysis of the interviews which are made in Tire. The main conclusion of this study is that, the traditional approaches remained limited in explaining the picture that has emerged after 3 November 2002 elections, and the consequences of 3 November 2002 elections can be evaluated as evidence of a just occurring phenomena &ldquo / new political behavior concept&rdquo / , by emphasizing the similarities rather than differences between the findings and the concept.

More and more, elections around the world seem to be won or lost on the basis of the candidates’ personal qualities rather than their policies. Despite its prevalence in new and established democracies alike, we still know very little about what explains such candidate-centered voting. This study moves our understanding of this issue by examining variation in candidate-centered voting across individuals and electoral contexts in recent presidential elections in the United States, Brazil, and Mexico. I argue that candidate-centered voting is largely an information problem. At the individual level, I focus on the conditioning role of political sophistication, arguing that voters with higher levels of political sophistication engage in less candidate-centered voting due their increased capacity to manage the more cognitively demanding types of information related to policy and performance. Moving beyond the individual level, I consider how candidate-centered voting may vary across electoral contexts as well. In particular, I consider how the institutionalization and structure of political competition shape the cognitive demands on voters, making it more or less difficult for voters to evaluate candidates on bases other than their personalities. To test these arguments, I estimate models of voters’ electoral utilities and vote choices using electoral survey data from the U.S. (2008), Brazil (2002), and Mexico (2000 and 2006). Overall, the empirical analysis supports my individual-level argument regarding political sophistication’s conditioning role. As political sophistication increases, the dominance of candidate considerations in voters’ electoral decisions tends to decrease. Likewise, comparisons in the level of candidate-centered voting across the elections under study suggest that certain aspects of the institutionalization and structure of political competition may help explain contextual variation in candidate-centered voting. / text

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:20:12Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LuizGFB_DISSERT.pdf: 1669915 bytes, checksum: a65713acff606584b209652dbd9b093d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-22 / Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte / Given the importance that political science and social sciences give studies of voting behavior, this study sought to fill this academic discussion another important element that makes up this complex set. From the campaign trail to City Christmas in 2012 work has been undertaken analysis of rejection in the first and second rounds of this election. For this analysis we used two sources of data: quantitative research, conducted by Search Consult the first and second rounds of elections, and the use of focus group technique, performed in the second round of elections. Knowing the various factors that may affect the voting decision, but also the dynamism that pervades a political dispute, seek, with this work, contribute to the deepening of the rejection of studies, aiming to bring subsidies presenting information to better explain the behavior studies election. The results showed that there is a less expressive, the chamda strong rejection. We speak of that rejection based on a political, historical and ideological. The reason for the weak presence of strong rejection seems to be little involvement of voters with politics and, consequently, low knowledge about politics and politicians. We observe, however, evidence of rejection volatile. We refer here to a kind of rejection that develops during the election process depending on the preference of the voter and according to the circumstances of the campaign. The data also lead us to conclude that television is as an instrument for the dissemination of ideas that can contribute in shaping the opinion of viewers. The role of political parties in representing the interests of the people have lost their strength in recent years. The data also show that, to the extent that increases the preference of voters in the electoral process, also increases its rejection / Dada a import?ncia que a ci?ncia pol?tica e as ci?ncias sociais d?o aos estudos do comportamento eleitoral, este trabalho acad?mico buscou inserir nesta discuss?o outro elemento importante que comp?e este conjunto complexo. A partir da campanha eleitoral para Prefeitura de Natal em 2012 foi empreendido um trabalho de an?lise da rejei??o no primeiro e segundo turnos desta elei??o. Para a realiza??o dessa an?lise foram utilizadas duas fontes de dados: as pesquisas quantitativas, realizadas pelo Consult Pesquisa no primeiro e segundo turnos das elei??es; e a utiliza??o da t?cnica de grupo focal, realizada no segundo turno das elei??es. Sabendo dos v?rios fatores que podem interferir na decis?o do voto, como tamb?m do dinamismo que permeia uma disputa pol?tica, buscamos, com este trabalho, contribuir com o aprofundamento dos estudos da rejei??o, objetivando trazer subs?dios que apresentem informa??es para melhor explicar os estudos do comportamento eleitoral. Os resultados apontaram que existe, de forma menos expressiva, a chamda rejei??o forte. Falamos daquela rejei??o fundamentada em um sentido pol?tico, hist?rico e ideol?gico. A raz?o para a fraca presen?a da rejei??o forte parece ser o pouco envolvimento dos eleitores com a pol?tica e, consequentemente, o baixo conhecimento sobre os pol?ticos e a pol?tica. Podemos observar, no entanto, a evid?ncia de uma rejei??o fraca. Referimos aqui, a um um tipo de rejei??o que se desenvolve durante o processo eleitoral em fun??o da prefer?ncia do eleitor e de acordo com as circunst?ncias da campanha. Os dados tamb?m nos levam a concluir que a televis?o constitui-se como instrumento de divulga??o de id?ias que possam contribuir na forma??o da opini?o dos telespectadores. O papel dos partidos pol?ticos na representa??o dos interesses populares perderam sua for?a nos ?ltimos anos. Os dados apresentam tamb?m que, na medida que aumenta a preferencia dos eleitores no processo eleitoral, aumenta tamb?m sua rejei??o

This study analyzes the relationship between political ideology, voting behavior and emotional responses after Peruvian presidential elections in 2011. Scales of intolerance for ambiguity, need for closure, right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) and the right-wing political orientation were used to assess right-wing political conservatism. A structural equation model proposes that intolerance of ambiguity and need for closure exert a direct effect on RWA. Also, RWA influences directly the right-wing political orientation, which exerts a direct influence on negative emotional responses and an inverse effect on positive emotional responses after O. Humala’s victory. Final discussion focuses on the contemporary relevance of left/right ideological continuum. / Este estudio analiza la relación entre la ideología política, el comportamiento electoral y las reacciones emocionales luego de las elecciones presidenciales de 2011 en una muestra de adultos de la ciudad de Lima. Se utilizaron escalas de intolerancia a la ambigüedad, necesidad de cierre cognitivo, autoritarismo de ala derecha (RWA) y orientación política de derecha. Un modelo de ecuaciones estructurales propone que la intolerancia a la ambigüedad y la necesidad de cierre cognitivo ejercen una influencia directa sobre el RWA, el mismo que influye positivamente sobre la orientación política de derecha, variable que finalmente influye sobre las reacciones emocionales luego de conocerse el triunfo del candidato Ollanta Humala. Se discute al final acerca de la vigencia contemporánea del continuo ideológico izquierda/derecha.

Na literatura brasileira sobre o comportamento dos votos de congressistas brasileiros em política comercial, existe concordância de que ele é determinado por características institucionais, ideológicas e dos distritos eleitorais (federativas). Esta pesquisa buscou avançar a compreensão do comportamento destes votos, pela incorporação dos interesses de grupos organizados (lobby), identificados por contribuições de campanha, como fator determinante deste comportamento, na análise do caso da proposta de adesão da Venezuela ao MERCOSUL. Além disto, a pesquisa analisou se o comportamento dos votos dissidentes da orientação e da filiação partidária seria causado por características das bases eleitorais ou por interesses de grupos organizados. Os resultados confirmaram que características de ordem institucional e ideológica tiveram maior influência sobre o comportamento do voto que características locais dos distritos eleitorais (federativas). A inclusão dos interesses de grupos organizados através das contribuições de campanha adicionou capacidade explicativa ao modelo analítico, porém em pequena magnitude. A análise do comportamento dos votos dissidentes mostrou que a dissidência da coalizão do governo e da orientação de voto favorável à política comercial foi determinada por fatores diferentes em relação à dissidência da coalizão de oposição e da orientação de voto contrário à política comercial. No âmbito da análise que foi feita, a dissidência da coalizão do governo e da orientação de voto favorável à política comercial teria sido causada por fator local dos distritos eleitorais, a taxa de desemprego. Já a dissidência da coalizão de oposição e da orientação de voto contrário à política comercial teria sido causada por interesses de grupos organizados. / In the Brazilian literature on the Brazilian congressional voting behavior concerning trade policy, there is agreement that it is determined by institutional and ideological characteristics and also by the features of the electoral districts. This research aimed to advance the understanding of this voting behavior, by incorporating the interests of organized groups (lobby), identified by campaign contributions, as a determinant of this behavior, focused on the analysis of the adhesion proposal of Venezuela to the MERCOSUL. Furthermore, the research evaluated if the dissenting votes behavior from party guidance and party affiliation would be caused by characteristics related to electoral districts or related to interests of organized groups. The results confirmed that the institutional and ideological characteristics had greater influence on voting behavior than local characteristics of electoral districts. The inclusion of the interests of organized groups through campaign contributions added explanatory power to the analytical model, although in small magnitude. The analysis on the dissenting vote behavior showed that dissention from government coalition and from orientation for favorable vote to commercial policy was determined by different factors in relation to the dissention from opposition coalition and from contrary voting instruction to trade policy. The dissention from government coalition and from orientation for favorable vote would be caused by local factor of electoral districts, the rate of unemployment. The dissention from opposition coalition and from contrary voting instruction would be caused by the interests of organized groups.

The purpose of this study is to examine the interaction of two variables which may influence employee voting behavior. These variables are the leadership style of the supervisor and the employee personality trait of locus of control. The hypothesis held that the interaction of supervisory style and employee locus of control will result in significant differences in the vote in representation elections. The implicit assumption was that certain combinations of leadership styles and employee internality or externality would influence employee voting behavior. Based on the weight of the evidence, it was concluded that the interaction of supervisory style and employee locus of control does not influence voting behavior; that a significant relationship appears to exist between satisfaction with supervision and voting behavior; and that supervisory Consideration appears to be related to voting behavior, and may result in high levels of satisfaction with supervision.

This essay researches the link between populism and political trust by comparing the development of these two phenomena in Sweden and Italy. Populism is defined as a political strategy in which one appeals to the people and uses anti-establishment rhetoric. The purpose of the study is to analyze if voters that are less politically trustful are also more prone to vote for anti-establishment populist candidates. By using a temporal comparative analysis with a historical perspective in mind, the development and linkage of political trust and populism is analyzed in the cases’ most recent four elections.  The Swedish case is distinguished by relatively high levels of political trust but have in the latest decade seen an ever-growing proportion of their electorate turning to the right-wing populist Sweden Democrats. Italy, comparatively, is currently distinguished for low levels of political trust and has seen populist politicians thrive in the electorate ever since the 1990s ‘Mani Pulite’ scandal, and over a majority voted for the two populist parties Lega Nord and Five Star movement. The main research findings suggest that political trust, while not being a crucial determinant for contemporary populist successes, certainly helps populist parties gain attention and attraction. It also shows indications that the relation between populism and political trust can go in two directions. Sweden resembles a case where increased support for the SD have led to decreased political trust. In contrast, Italy’s political scandals, volatile voters and drastic decreases in political trust seems to have sparked increased support for populists.

No description available.

Vote-selling in Nigeria pervades and permeates the electoral space, where it has become the primary instrument of electoral fraud. Previous research has indicated a strong correlation between vote-buying and underinvestment and poor delivery of public services. There remains, however, a significant gap in the current literature regarding the nature of the relationship between vote-selling and the delivery of public services. The purpose of this study was to uncover voters' behaviors by investigating their common and lived experiences with respect to the provision of infrastructure, delivery of public services, and voting during elections. Using Bandura's theory of reciprocal determinism, the research explored the connection between environment and vote-selling. Data were collected through semistructured interviews with 10 individuals who participated in the most recent elections in Akoko North West Local Government, Ondo State, Nigeria. The data were analyzed using Moustakas's transcendental phenomenological process. Key findings suggest a reciprocal relationship between vote-selling, and infrastructure and public services. The study findings also revealed that vote-sellers' feel justified because vote-selling is perceived as a product of disappointment, lack of trust and voters' apathy, willingness to accept their own share of 'national cake,' and poverty. These findings are consistent with Bandura's proposition that people create the society and equally react to environmental factors. This study contributes to the existing literature and may enhance social change initiatives by improving the understanding of the connection between the provision of infrastructure and the delivery of public services and vote-selling.