This dissertation examines two interconnected research questions: What conditions give rise and lead to the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and what are the consequences of this electoral success? Literature concerning anti-establishment parties fails to investigate this phenomenon in its entirety by focusing disproportionately on the electoral success of these parties neglecting the consequences of this electoral success. Although the electoral success of anti-establishment parties and the subsequent consequences have different theoretical underpinnings, the effects that anti-establishment parties have on individual parties and the party system are dependent upon the electoral success of these of parties. Therefore, this dissertation focuses on both the electoral success and the consequences of anti-establishment parties in Western Europe. Concerning electoral success, this dissertation offers a new approach to the literature by arguing that anti-establishment parties, regardless of their placement on the political spectrum, are born out of the dissatisfaction towards traditional parties within the electorate. Using quantitative analyses of eighteen Western European countries covering the time period 1970-2005, this dissertation offers a unified analysis of anti-establishment parties, regardless of their placement on the political spectrum, examining the political, social, and economic conditions that give rise to the anti-establishment party phenomenon. The findings indicate that while the factors leading to the emergence of anti-establishment parties may be the same regardless of the placement of these parties on the political spectrum, the factors leading to their electoral success are dependent upon their ideological orientation. Furthermore, the electoral success of these new parties has consequences for other individual parties and the broader party system. This dissertation argues that the existence of these parties alone is not enough to accomplish this aim; these parties must be seen as threats to existing mainstream parties on either the left or the right or in some cases, both. In order to counter the threat from these anti-establishment parties, traditional parties may change their ideological positions or organizational structures. Utilizing qualitative (face-to-face interviews with party elites) and evidence from party manifestos from 1970-2005 in six countries, these analyses indicate that the electoral success of anti-establishment parties affects individual parties by altering the ideological placement, particularly on issues relevant to anti-establishment party electoral success. To a lesser extent, traditional parties alter their organizational structures (i.e., allocating more power to rank-and-file members, regional, and local branches), in order to counter this new electoral threat. Moreover, the electoral success of anti-establishment parties causes instability within the broader party system. Utilizing quantitative, statistical methods to analyze eighteen western European countries between 1970 and 2005, this dissertation finds that the electoral success of anti-establishment parties increases the amount of electoral volatility and the amount of polarization both within the system and between traditional parties. However, anti-establishment parties do not mobilize the electorate leading to increases voter turnout in these eighteen countries. Finally, anti-establishment parties, by gaining seats in national legislatures, upset the traditional coalitional dynamics. As such, the electoral success of anti-establishment parties leads to shorter coalitional governments within the party systems of Western Europe.

The purpose of this dissertation is to examine and present six different texts produced by the Sweden democrats. This examination focuses its attention on the content and the technique of the arguments present in the texts. In addition, the results will be put in relation to the steering documents for the Swedish school system. The aim is to observe common features regarding content and technique present in the texts. More specifi-cally, I will examine how the texts produced by the Sweden democrats pose a problem to the Swedish school system. In this particular study, data were collected through a selection which resulted in six different texts representative for the Sweden democrats. In addition, to display a broader picture of the party, the texts are written by different writers. Having carried out this particular study, certain conclusions can be drawn. To begin with, the texts are comprehensive and treat similar issues, namely anti-multiculturalism and condescension against the establishment. Secondly, there is a difference regarding content depending on the receiver of the text. Finally, there is a discrepancy between the content of the arguments in the analysed texts and the steering documents of the Swed-ish school system. This is particularly noticeable when it comes to multiculturalism and the treatment of foreign people. However, the results also show that there are some similarities regarding maintenance of the Swedish culture.

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Ivan Filipe de Almeida Lopes Fernandes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Políticas Públicas, São Bernardo do Campo, 2018. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a relação existente entre a deterioração do contexto econômico e a ascensão eleitoral de partidos radicais (PRs) de direita (PRDs) e de esquerda (PREs) entre 2003 e 2016 na Europa. Partimos da hipótese de que a situação da economia não só gerou um sentimento anti-establishment na população dos países europeus, mas também realçou ressentimentos preexistentes, decorrentes de mudanças na estrutura produtiva e na composição étnica da população desde a década de 1980, com o aprofundamento da globalização produtiva. Estudamos 94 eleições para os Legislativos nacionais de 26 países das Europas ocidental e oriental, o que permite analisar a relação entre indicadores socioeconômicos, variações do sentimento anti-establishment e o desempenho de partidos radicais de ambos espectros políticos. Com o uso de dados em painel, encontramos evidências de que o desemprego constitui a principal variável econômica a afetar o sentimento anti-establishment da população no curto prazo, enquanto a modernização da economia o faz no longo prazo. Além disso, nossos dados mostram que o aumento do sentimento anti-establishment favorece mais os PREs do que os PRDs. Concluímos, assim, que a Grande Recessão trouxe consequências não só econômicas, mas, também, políticas para as democracias europeias, que terão que se adaptar ao novo status alcançado pelos partidos radicais. / This work aims at analyzing the existing relation between the economic deterioration and the ascension of radical right (RR) and left (RL) parties in the period 2003 to 2016 in Europe. We test the hypothesis that the economic situation not only has generated an anti-establishment sentiment in the population of European countries, but also reinforced previous resentments, caused by changes in the productive structure and ethnic composition since the 80s, as a result of the deepening of the productive globalization. We study 94 national legislative elections from 26 Western and Eastern European countries, which enables us to observe the relation between socioeconomic indicators, variations in the anti-establishment and the performance of radical parties from both ends of the political spectrum. Through the use of panel data, we find evidences that the unemployment constitutes the main economic variable affecting the anti-establishment sentiment of the population in the short-term, whereas the modernization of the economy does it in the long-term. Besides, our data show that the increase in the anti-establishment sentiment favors more the RLPs than it does the RRPs. Therefore, we conclude that the Great Recession has brought about not only economic but also political consequences to the European democracies, which will have to adapt to the new status achieved by the radical parties.

The object of this work is mobile dwellers in Germany and Portugal. This lifestyle express itself firstly in the form people create their home. This lifestyle appear as an alternative to the mainstream society. These difference everyday practices are anchored in different perception of what constitutes a good-life and happiness for people. The choice of home place of mobile dwellers is defined by the perception of good life and imagined ways to seek for it too. To understand how they perceive a good life, enables us to understand what they strive for and how do they motivate their lifestyle choices. Research Problem How do mobile dwellers comprehend good life and happiness as an alternative to the dominant norms of the society? Research Tasks 1. To define analytical framework, which could be used for analysis of good-life of mobile dwellers? 2. To compare how the contradiction between ideas of good-life of mobile dwellers and mainstream is experienced and evaluated? 3. To reveal how ethics, morals and ideologies influence their notions of good-life? 4. To reveal how they feel about their lives? Method The empirical data for the work was gathered through 2 months fieldwork in Portugal and Germany. The main methods employed were participant observation and conduction of ethnographic notes, 18 in-depth, semi-structured interviews of approximately 1,5 hour. Snowball method was used to make contacts and move from people to people. Some extra information was gathered in the... [to full text] / Šio darbo objektas yra mobilieji gyventojai Vokietijoje ir Portugalijoje. Šis gyvenimo būdas pirmiausia skleidžiasi per tai, kaip gyventojai kuria savo namus. Jis randasi kaip alternatyva dominuojančiai visuomenei. Šios skirtingos kasdienio gyvenimo praktikos kyla iš skirtingo tų žmonių gero gyvenimo ir laimės supratimo. Pasirinkimas, kaip kurti savo namus, yra tampriai susijęs su gero gyvenimo ir laimės suvokimu ir įsivaizduojamais būdais jo siekti. Atskleidimas to, kaip jie suvokia gerą gyvenimą, leidžia mums suprasti dėl ko jie stengiasi ir kaip motyvuoja savo gyvenimo pasirinkimus. Tyrimo problema Kaip mobilieji gyvetojai supranta gerą gyvenimą ir laimę kaip alternatyvą dominuojančios visuomenės normoms? Tyrimo uždaviniai 1. Nustatyti analitinius rėmus, kuriuos pasitelkiant galima būtų atlikti mobiliųjų gyventojų gero gyvenimo analizę. 2. Nustatyti kaip yra suprantama ir vertinama prieštara tarp gero gyvenimo idėjų tarp mobiliųjų gyventojų ir pagrindinės visuomenės. 3. Atskleisti kaip etika, moralė ir ideologijos veikia gero gyvenimo supratimą. 4. Atskleisti kaip jie vertina savo gyvenimus. Metodai Empiriniai duomenys tyrimui buvo surinkti dievų mėnesių lauko tyrimo metu Vokietijoje ir Portugalijoje. Pagrindiniai naudoti metodai tai dalyvaujamas stebėjimas, lauko užrašų darymas, 18 giluminių pusiau struktūruotų interviu po vidutiniškai 1.5 valandos. Kontaktai lauko tyrimo metu rasdavosi naudojantis sniego gniūžtės principu. Papildomos informacijos buvo ieškoma... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]

This essay researches the link between populism and political trust by comparing the development of these two phenomena in Sweden and Italy. Populism is defined as a political strategy in which one appeals to the people and uses anti-establishment rhetoric. The purpose of the study is to analyze if voters that are less politically trustful are also more prone to vote for anti-establishment populist candidates. By using a temporal comparative analysis with a historical perspective in mind, the development and linkage of political trust and populism is analyzed in the cases’ most recent four elections.  The Swedish case is distinguished by relatively high levels of political trust but have in the latest decade seen an ever-growing proportion of their electorate turning to the right-wing populist Sweden Democrats. Italy, comparatively, is currently distinguished for low levels of political trust and has seen populist politicians thrive in the electorate ever since the 1990s ‘Mani Pulite’ scandal, and over a majority voted for the two populist parties Lega Nord and Five Star movement. The main research findings suggest that political trust, while not being a crucial determinant for contemporary populist successes, certainly helps populist parties gain attention and attraction. It also shows indications that the relation between populism and political trust can go in two directions. Sweden resembles a case where increased support for the SD have led to decreased political trust. In contrast, Italy’s political scandals, volatile voters and drastic decreases in political trust seems to have sparked increased support for populists.

I valupptakten hösten 2010 fick Sverigedemokraternas två valfilmer oerhört genomslag i media, och hade inte mindre än en halv miljon visningar på Youtube, på bara några få dagar. Denna här uppsatsen undersöker vilka strategier som ligger bakom ett sådant genomslag i media. Frågeställningen försöker besvara vilka verklighetsbeskrivningar som TV4 respektive Sverigedemokraterna (SD) ger i sitt pressmaterial angående lanseringen av SD:s två valfilmer, och vad de får för effekter. Uppsatsen analyserar nyckelord som används, vilken ram de sätter på situationen och om SD använder sig av anti-etablissemangsstrategin. Den diskuterar också omkring problemformuleringsprivilegiet, det vill säga att den som formulerar frågeställningen alltid äger tolkningsföreträdet till den. Uppsatsens slutsats är att SD:s strategi vid lanseringen av valfilmen var att synliggöra och förstärka avståndet mellan SD och etablissemanget, såväl till politiska partier som till media. SD använde sig av de egna problemformuleringarna massinvandring och censur, som i sin tur skapade egna ramar, till vilka enbart SD hade tolkningsföreträde. SD:s ramar stämmer tydligt överrens med vilka kriterier ett politiskt parti måste ha för att använda sig av anti-etablissemangsstrategin. / In the fall of 2010 during the election, the Swedish Democrats launched two election movies who got a enormous breakthrough in the media. They got over half a million views on Youtube in just a few days. This essay investigates what strategies that lays behind the breakthrough in the Swedish media. The inquiry tries to answer what description of reality that TV4 and the Swedish Democrats leaves in their press material concerning the launch of the Swedish Democrats two election movies and following effects. The essay analyses keywords in these movies, the frame of the situation and if the Swedish Democrats uses the anti-establishment strategy. It also discuss the problem formulation privilege, which means that the person who formulate the inquiry always own the right to interpret the inquiry. The conclusion of the essay is that the Swedish Democrats strategy during the launch of the election movies, was to expose and strengthen the distance between the Swedish Democrats and the establishment. As well as between other political parties and media. The Swedish Democrats formulate their own problem formulation using words as “mass migration” and “censorship”. With these two words they create their own frames that gives the Swedish Democrats the total interpret of the words. The frames that the Swedish Democrats are using, agrees with the criteria of what a political party must contain to use the anti-establishment strategy.

Populism as a phenomenon is increasing in Europe. This study is therefore centred on howpopulist parties affect mainstream parties when entering the parliament. Moreover this studyresearches how party behaviour theories such as the median voter theorem and cartel partytheory explains mainstream parties' transition on the political and ideological scale when apopulist party is included in the parliament. This study aims to identify populistic discourse in Swedish parties election manifestos. Additionally, examine if the degree of populisticdiscourse differs from the year 2010 when the populist party entered the parliament, the yearof 2018 and the year of 2022 when the populist party entered an alliance with the government.The methodical approach for this research has been a qualitative content analysis. The categories for populist communication strategy attempts to contribute with an operationalization, a measuring instrument of populism in the empirical material. Moreoverthe categories is based on Jan Jagers and Steffan Walgraves theory surrounding populism as a political communication-style. The eight units of analysis are the election manifestos of the Swedish parties: The christ democratic party, the moderate party and the sweden democrats. The empirical research shows that populism as a communication style appears within the election manifestos and that the degree of populist rhetoric differs within the mainstream parties from when the populist party entered the parliament in 2010 and government alliancein 2022.

<p>The prevalence of social media in political campaigns are changing the face of politics in the United States and abroad. The rapid pace at which this change is occurring demands inquiry into the previously unexplored area of unconventional political campaign messaging practices on social media. Investigation of Donald Trump’s use of tweets as rhetorical strategy in the discursive space of Twitter during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign revealed a bypass of traditional media and its source verification processes. This circumventing of mainstream media channels facilitated Trump’s deployment of an unchecked ‘broken system’ narrative alleging government corruption</p> <p>and a rigged system. Trump’s tweet discourses tapped into existing feelings of disenfranchisement and disaffection felt by a self-identified politically marginalized segment of society. This study</p> <p>investigates how social media use in political campaigns can serve as a public sphere for contestation of social and political norms. An interdisciplinary theoretical frame comprised of Feenberg’s critical theory of technology, McLuhan’s media ecology, Fraser’s counterpublic spheres, and Iser’s implied reader offer new understandings about the power of anti-establishment discourses and a hybrid discursive space to destabilize governing institutions and redefine social and political identities. Study of Trump’s tweets as rhetorical strategy granted insights into the social and political capacity of alternative truth to undermine the political process. Further, it uncovered the power of social media to awaken and leverage existing political identities for personal political gain.</p>