Les Balkans occidentaux (BO), déchirés après 1989 par les guerres dont les plus sanglantes et les plus problématiques en Bosnie-Herzégovine, au Kosovo, et en Albanie, ne pouvaient plus laisser indifférentes les puissances occidentales, et en particulier l’OTAN et l’UE. La survenue de ces conflits a confronté en effet les pays européens à la guerre près de chez eux signifiant une éventuelle déstabilisation de la région et la gestion d’un grand nombre d’immigrés en provenance des BO. C’est pourquoi l’OTAN et l’UE se sont depuis largement investies dans des missions de pacification et de reconstruction étatique dans cette région, par la mise en place de politiques de sécurité et de défense, puis par le biais de politiques d’élargissement. L'action de ces différentes organisations, à côté de celle des BO, a permis la fin de la guerre et une certaine stabilisation de ces pays. Mais, cette dernière est loin d'être complétement acquise. En effet, c'est la non consolidation des institutions étatiques et de la démocratie qui menace encore l’effondrement de l’Etat et qui continue à constituer un enjeu de taille pour les pays des BO.Notre thèse a pour objet d’analyser l'évolution de la stabilisation des BO depuis la chute du mur de Berlin en étudiant et en mettant en confrontation des ensembles complexes de relations entre acteurs, enjeux, moyens et processus. Afin d'analyser ce processus complexe, nous proposons un modèle qui s'appuie sur le concept des « communautés de sécurité » (CS) de Deutsch et al. (1957). Cependant, pour les besoins de notre étude, nous reconceptualisons ce concept à l’aide de variables que nous avons choisies en européanisation et en démocratisation que les auteurs n’avaient pas pu prévoir à l’époque de la rédaction des CS.Ainsi, le concept de CS reconceptualisé permet de répondre à notre problématique: pourquoi et comment une CS comprenant les pays de la région encore instable des Balkans occidentaux se construit-elle sur le continent européen autour de l'OTAN et de l'UE, depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin ?Notre hypothèse est la suivante : la construction d’une CS s’explique par la combinaison de deux éléments : d’une part la pression exogène des organisations régionales exigeant des changements concrets en termes de démocratisation et de sécurisation, et d’autre part l’acceptation de ces exigences de la part aussi bien des élites que des populations des pays concernés. En d’autres termes, plus la pression des organisations régionales est perçue comme légitime et mise en œuvre, plus la création d’une CS est probable.La variable dépendante que nous analysons est la construction d’une CS européenne comprenant les Balkans occidentaux (CSEBO) pluraliste. Les moyens de construction de cette communauté de sécurité correspondent à nos variables indépendantes choisies en sécurité, européanisation et démocratisation et qui sont de deux types : endogènes et exogènes. Il s’agit d’une part, des variables portant sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs externes (OTAN et UE) en vue de la stabilisation des BO, et donc de leur contribution à la construction de la CSEBO. Il s’agit d’autre part, d’une série de variables endogènes portant cette fois-ci sur le rôle des facteurs et acteurs internes (élites et populations des pays des BO) dans la formation de la CSEBO. Nous montrons que les niveaux interne et externe sont en permanente interaction.Les résultats de notre étude, obtenus dans le cadre de la méthode de process-tracing à partir de sources primaires et secondaires, ainsi que d’entretiens semi-directifs, montrent un découpage dans le temps dans la construction de la CSEBO: avant et après 2000. Ainsi une première période allant de la chute du Mur de Berlin jusqu'au début des années 2000 connaît l’absence quasi-totale des conditions constitutives des CS et donc la CSEBO est très embryonnaire ici. Nous montrons ensuite qu’une CSEBO se construit progressivement à partir du début des années 2000. / The Western Balkans (WB) were torn apart after 1989 due to wars, which were particularly cruel and problematic in Bosnia and Herzegovina, in Kosovo and in Albania. Western powers, and especially NATO and EU, could not anymore turn a blind eye. These conflicts indeed confronted European countries to war in a neighbouring state which could lead to destabilization of the region and to more migrants coming from the WB. This is the reason why NATO and UE have since been deeply involved in peace building and state building missions throughout the region. They started with implementing security and defense policies, then turned to enlargement policy. These organisations’ actions, as well as the efforts done by the WB, led to the end of the war and, to a certain extent, to a stabilization of these countries which is however not fully achieved. WB State security is indeed still a major objective. The threat lies nowadays in the non consolidaton of state institutions and democracy.Our thesis is aiming at analyzing the stabilization of the WB since the fall of the Berlin wall. It will focus on studying and confronting a complex set of actors, goals, means and processes in order to have a better understanding of the evolution of the stabilization of the region. In order to analyze this complex process, we are using a model based on the concept of « security communities » (SC) developed by Deutsch and al., at the end of the 1950’s. However, for the need of our study, we will « reconceptualize » this concept using several variables selected in europeanisation and democratisation studies which the authors could not have predicted at the time they elaborated their concept of « security communities ».Therefore, the concept of SC, « reconceptualised », helps answering our research problem : why and how has a SC including countries from the instable region of the Western Balkans been built on the European continent, around NATO and the EU, since the fall of the Berlin wall ?Our research hypothesis consists in the combination of two elements to explain the building of a SC: on one side, an exogenous pressure from regional organizations imposing concrete changes in terms of democracy and securitization and, on the other side, the acceptance of these demands from both the elites and the population of the concerned countries. In other terms, the more legitimized and implemented the pressure from these regional organizations is, the more probable is the creation of a SC.The dependent variable that we analyze is the building of a pluralistic European SC which includes the Western Balkans. The means for building this security community correlate with our independent variables which are endogenous and exogenous and have been selected in security, democratisation and europeanisation studies. On one side, exogenous variables stand on the role of external actors and factors (NATO and the EU) leading to the stabilization of the WB, and therefore to their contribution to the building of an European security community including the Western Balkans (ESCWB). On the other side, there is a range of endogenous variables being the role of internal actors and factors (elites and populations of the WB) in the shaping of ESCWB. We will show that both internal and external levels are in constant interaction.Our study results based on primary and secondary sources as well as semi-directed interviews and using the « process-tracing » method highlight two distinct periods regarding the building of the ESCWB: before and after the year 2000. Thereby between the fall of the Berlin wall and the year 2000, there is almost a complete lack of the necessary conditions to build a SC and therefore the ESCWB merely exists in an embryonic form. ESCWB then progressively emerges from the beginning of the 2000’s.

Šiame magistro baigiamajame darbe nagrinėjami viešojo administravimo reformos įgyvendinimo procesai Vakarų Balkanų šalyse – Albanijoje, Bosnijoje ir Hercegovinoje, Juodkalnijoje, ir Serbijoje. Šios reformos tikslas – kokybiškas visuomenės interesų tenkinimas. Valstybės buvo pasirinktos siekiant išsiaiškinti, kaip viešojo administravimo sistemos tobulinimas vyksta "ekstremaliomis" sąlygomis, kaip jaunos demokratijos valstybės sugeba adaptuoti pagrindinius viešojo administravimo principus. Analizuojant teorinius temos pagrindus, išryškėjo aktualiausi reformos elementai: marketizacija, decentralizacija, piliečių dalyvavimas, žmoniškųjų išteklių valdymas ir informacinės technologijos. Pirminė hipotezė suponuoja prielaidą, jog tyrimo metu bus nustatyta: viešojo administravimo reformos elementų įgyvendinimo lygis pasireiškia skirtingai kiekvienoje valstybėje ir egzistuoja priklausomybė tarp ekonominio šalies išsivystymo ir viešojo administravimo reformos įgyvendinimo lygių. Darbo mokslinis naujumas atsiskleidžia per šiuos aspektus: bus galima gauti apibendrinančias išvadas apie viešojo sektoriaus padėtį tiek kiekvienoje šalyje, tiek visame regione; šių reformos elementų įgyvendinimas tiriamas jaunos demokratijos šalyse; remiantis atvejo analizės tyrimo būdu, parengtas tyrimo modelis leis gauti duomenis, kurie pagilins ir praplės teorinį viešojo administravimo supratimą. Magistrinio darbo rezultatai gali būti naudingi ir kitoms po-komunistinio bloko valstybėms (pvz. Lietuvai)... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / This master's thesis analyses the process of implementation of the public administration reform in the Western Balkan countries - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Montenegro and Serbia. The aim of this reform – qualitatively meet public interests. These states were selected to examine how the public administration system improvement is going in "extreme" conditions, how young democracy countries are able to adapt the basic principles of public administration. The analysis of the theoretical foundations highlighted the most relevant elements of the reform: marketization, decentralization, citizenry participation, human resource management and information technology. The primary hypothesis presupposes that this study will ascertain: the implementation level of the public administration reform elements vary in each country and there is a correlation between the country's economic development rate and the level of public administration reform implementation. The scientific novelty is revealed through the following aspects: it will be available to get the summarized findings of the public sector reform both in each country and across the region; the implementation of the reform elements is studied in young democracies; the developed design of the study allows to get data, which will deepen and enrich the theoretical understanding of public administration. The results of master work may be useful in other post-communist bloc countries (e.g. Lithuania), where the formation of a... [to full text]

La projection des normes et des valeurs est un moyen par lesquels un acteur international gère et maintient un contrôle ou une influence sur un domaine particulier dans le système international. L'Union européenne (UE) suit cette logique dans sa politique étrangère, qui est guidée par une orientation normative à la défense de quelques valeurs. La promotion de ces normes donne un poids politique à sa performance sur la scène internationale. L'objet de cette recherche est les relations entre l'Union européenne et les Balkans occidentaux, ici représentée par les anciennes républiques yougoslaves de la Bosnie- Herzégovine, la Croatie, la Macédoine et la Serbie, dans la période 2000-2014. L'objectif de cette étude est d'analyser l'élargissement de l'UE aux Balkans occidentaux et de son rôle dans la réforme du secteur de sécurité dans les pays des Balkans. Cette analyse comprend des discussions sur la nature de l'UE et son rôle régional et international, la dynamique de l'intégration et de sécurité dans le voisinage européen et l'utilisation du principe de conditionnalité et du phénomène d'européanisation comme des expressions de la puissance normative de l'UE. L'hypothèse est que, grâce à sa puissance normative, l'UE exerce un pouvoir d'attraction irrésistible vers les pays des Balkans, qui les conduisent à accepter le processus d'adhésion, même s'ils ne sont pas contraints du consentement des règles. Par conséquent, la puissance normative de l'UE est plus une force d'attraction irrésistible qu'une imposition de normes - et c'est pour ça qu'elle constitue un soft power. Le processus d'élargissement, alors, peut être considéré comme un outil expansionniste de sa politique de soft power, constituant le moyen par lequel elle projette sa puissance régionale: la propagation des normes européennes est le principal instrument de la puissance de l'UE comme un système régional. En raison de l'exercice de ce pouvoir, nous suggérons que le processus d'élargissement affecte en quelque sorte la réforme du système de sécurité des pays des Balkans. Puisque l'un des principaux intérêts de l'UE dans les Balkans occidentaux est la sécurité de la région, le processus d'expansion interfère dans les réformes de sécurité de chaque État balkanique. Néanmoins, l'UE prend soin de sa sécurité et celle de ses membres à travers une politique d'expansion conditionné et institutionnalisé par elle. La méthodologie de cette étude est le développement d'outils théoriques pour représenter la puissance normative comme un outil de soft power dans les relations entre l'UE et les Balkans occidentaux. Le cadre des objets de recherche se fait en analysant leurs trajectoires de construction de l'État et de la tendance de la démocratie. Ensuite, le processus de Stabilisation et d'association est examinée ainsi que la performance des candidats des Balkans occidentaux, à travers l'analyse du contenu des instruments normatifs de l'UE et des entretiens avec les membres des divisions nationales et de l'UE liées à l'élargissement. Enfin, un modèle explicatif est conçu pour être appliqué au phénomène d'européanisation des réformes de sécurité dans le cadre du processus d'adhésion à l'UE, afin d'examiner l'effet de cette dernière dans les politiques du secteur de sécurité. En conclusion, l'UE devient influente dans le système international par la force de ses normes. C'est le cas du processus d'adhésion, où les règles sont exposées d'une manière irrésistible pour les joueurs de la dynamique d'intégration. Alors, l'UE se renforce comme un modèle régional en portant à sa sphère d'influence les États qui ne sont pas encore parties de celui-ci. / A projeção de normas e valores é um dos meios pelos quais um ator internacional consegue e mantém domínio ou influência sobre uma determinada área dentro do sistema internacional. A União Europeia (UE) segue esta lógica ao pautar sua política externa por um viés normativo, através da defesa de determinados valores nas relações exteriores. A promoção dessas normas é o que confere peso político à sua atuação no cenário internacional. Esta pesquisa tem como objeto as relações entre a União Europeia e a região dos Bálcãs Ocidentais, representada aqui pelas ex-repúblicas iugoslavas da Bósnia-Herzegovina, Croácia, Macedônia e Sérvia, no período 2000-2014. O foco deste estudo é o de analisar a ampliação da UE para os Bálcãs Ocidentais e sua influência na reforma do setor de segurança dos Estados balcânicos. Esta análise compreende a discussão da natureza da UE e de sua função regional e internacional; a dinâmica de integração e segurança na vizinhança europeia; e a utilização do princípio de condicionalidade e do fenômeno da europeização como expressões do poder normativo da UE. A hipótese é de que, através do seu poder normativo, a UE exerce um poder de atração irresistível em relação aos Estados balcânicos, o que os leva a aceitar o processo de adesão, visto que não são coagidos à anuência de suas regras. Assim, o poder normativo europeu é tido menos como uma imposição de normas e padrões e mais como um poder de atração ao qual não se pode resistir – e por isso é considerado uma forma de soft power. Logo, o processo de admissão à UE pode ser visto como uma ferramenta expansionista: a disseminação das normas europeias torna-se o seu principal instrumento de poder enquanto sistema regional. Como decorrência do exercício desse poder, sugere-se que o processo de adesão à UE tem impactado na reforma do setor de segurança dos países objeto de análise deste estudo. Sendo que um dos principais interesses da UE em relação aos Bálcãs Ocidentais é a segurança da região, o processo de expansão interfere nas reformas securitárias pelas quais cada Estado tem passado. Afirma-se, assim, que a UE trata da sua segurança e de seus membros através de uma política de expansão condicionada e institucionalizada pela entidade. A metodologia deste estudo parte do desenvolvimento de ferramentas teóricas para retratar o poder normativo como um mecanismo de soft power na relação entre a UE e os Bálcãs Ocidentais. O enquadramento dos objetos de pesquisa é feito pela análise de suas trajetórias de state-building e de tendência à democracia. A seguir, o Processo de Estabilização e Associação é examinado, bem como o desempenho dos candidatos balcânicos ocidentais, por meio da análise de conteúdo de instrumentos de normatização da UE e de entrevistas com membros das divisões nacionais e da UE ligadas ao enlargement. Por fim, um modelo explicativo é montado para ser aplicado ao fenômeno de europeização das reformas securitárias no quadro do processo de adesão à UE, a fim de se examinar o efeito deste último nas policies do setor de segurança. É possível perceber que a UE torna-se influente no sistema internacional muito mais pela força de suas normas do que por seu poder econômico ou militar. Este é o caso do processo de adesão, onde as regras são expostas de forma irresistível aos players da integração europeia: a UE se consolida como modelo regional ao trazer para sua esfera de influência os Estados que ainda não fazem parte do bloco. / The projection of norms and values is one of the means by which an international actor manages and maintains control or influence over a particular area within the international system. The European Union (EU) follows this logic in its foreign policy, which is guided by a normative bias through the defense of certain values in external relations. The promotion of these standards is what gives political weight to its performance on the international system. The object of this research are the relations between the European Union and the Western Balkans, here represented by the former Yugoslav republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia, in the period 2000-2014. The focus of this study is to analyze the EU enlargement to the Western Balkans and its role in reforming the security sector in the Balkan states. This analysis includes a discussion of the nature of the EU and its regional and international role as well as the dynamics of integration and security in the European neighborhood and the use of the principle of conditionality and the Europeanization as expressions of EU’s normative power. The hypothesis is that, through its normative power, the EU exerts a power of irresistible attraction towards the Balkan states, which leads them to accept the accession process since they are not coerced into the consent of the rules. Therefore, the EU’s normative power is less an imposition of EU norms and standards and more an irresistible attraction force - and that it is why it constitutes a soft power. The enlargement process, then, can be seen as an expansionist tool of its soft power policy, constituting the way by which the EU projects its regional power: the spread of European standards is the main instrument of power of the Union as a regional system. Because of the exercise of this power, we suggest that the enlargement process affects the security system reform of the Western Balkan countries. Since one of EU’s main interests in Western Balkans is the security of the region (and therefore the guarantee of its own security), the expansion process interferes in the security reforms each state has been promoting. Nonetheless, we can say the EU takes care of its safety and that of its members through a policy of expansion conditioned and institutionalized by it. The methodology of this study is the development of theoretical tools to portray the normative power as a soft power tool in the relations between the EU and the Western Balkans. The framework of the research objects is done by analyzing their trajectories of state-building and their democratic tendency. Next, the Stabilisation and Association Process is examined as well as the performance of Western Balkan candidates, through the content analysis of normative instruments of the EU and interviews with members of the EU and national divisions linked to the enlargement process. Finally, an explanatory model is developed to be applied to the Europeanization phenomenon of the security reforms within the framework of the EU accession process, in order to examine the effect of the latter in the security sector policies. Concluding, it is clear that the EU becomes influential in the international system much more by the force of its norms and standards than for its economic or military power. This is the case of the accession process, where the rules are exposed in an irresistible way to the players of the integration: the EU strengthens itself as a regional model by bringing to its sphere of influence those states that are not yet part of it.

La projection des normes et des valeurs est un moyen par lesquels un acteur international gère et maintient un contrôle ou une influence sur un domaine particulier dans le système international. L'Union européenne (UE) suit cette logique dans sa politique étrangère, qui est guidée par une orientation normative à la défense de quelques valeurs. La promotion de ces normes donne un poids politique à sa performance sur la scène internationale. L'objet de cette recherche est les relations entre l'Union européenne et les Balkans occidentaux, ici représentée par les anciennes républiques yougoslaves de la Bosnie- Herzégovine, la Croatie, la Macédoine et la Serbie, dans la période 2000-2014. L'objectif de cette étude est d'analyser l'élargissement de l'UE aux Balkans occidentaux et de son rôle dans la réforme du secteur de sécurité dans les pays des Balkans. Cette analyse comprend des discussions sur la nature de l'UE et son rôle régional et international, la dynamique de l'intégration et de sécurité dans le voisinage européen et l'utilisation du principe de conditionnalité et du phénomène d'européanisation comme des expressions de la puissance normative de l'UE. L'hypothèse est que, grâce à sa puissance normative, l'UE exerce un pouvoir d'attraction irrésistible vers les pays des Balkans, qui les conduisent à accepter le processus d'adhésion, même s'ils ne sont pas contraints du consentement des règles. Par conséquent, la puissance normative de l'UE est plus une force d'attraction irrésistible qu'une imposition de normes - et c'est pour ça qu'elle constitue un soft power. Le processus d'élargissement, alors, peut être considéré comme un outil expansionniste de sa politique de soft power, constituant le moyen par lequel elle projette sa puissance régionale: la propagation des normes européennes est le principal instrument de la puissance de l'UE comme un système régional. En raison de l'exercice de ce pouvoir, nous suggérons que le processus d'élargissement affecte en quelque sorte la réforme du système de sécurité des pays des Balkans. Puisque l'un des principaux intérêts de l'UE dans les Balkans occidentaux est la sécurité de la région, le processus d'expansion interfère dans les réformes de sécurité de chaque État balkanique. Néanmoins, l'UE prend soin de sa sécurité et celle de ses membres à travers une politique d'expansion conditionné et institutionnalisé par elle. La méthodologie de cette étude est le développement d'outils théoriques pour représenter la puissance normative comme un outil de soft power dans les relations entre l'UE et les Balkans occidentaux. Le cadre des objets de recherche se fait en analysant leurs trajectoires de construction de l'État et de la tendance de la démocratie. Ensuite, le processus de Stabilisation et d'association est examinée ainsi que la performance des candidats des Balkans occidentaux, à travers l'analyse du contenu des instruments normatifs de l'UE et des entretiens avec les membres des divisions nationales et de l'UE liées à l'élargissement. Enfin, un modèle explicatif est conçu pour être appliqué au phénomène d'européanisation des réformes de sécurité dans le cadre du processus d'adhésion à l'UE, afin d'examiner l'effet de cette dernière dans les politiques du secteur de sécurité. En conclusion, l'UE devient influente dans le système international par la force de ses normes. C'est le cas du processus d'adhésion, où les règles sont exposées d'une manière irrésistible pour les joueurs de la dynamique d'intégration. Alors, l'UE se renforce comme un modèle régional en portant à sa sphère d'influence les États qui ne sont pas encore parties de celui-ci. / A projeção de normas e valores é um dos meios pelos quais um ator internacional consegue e mantém domínio ou influência sobre uma determinada área dentro do sistema internacional. A União Europeia (UE) segue esta lógica ao pautar sua política externa por um viés normativo, através da defesa de determinados valores nas relações exteriores. A promoção dessas normas é o que confere peso político à sua atuação no cenário internacional. Esta pesquisa tem como objeto as relações entre a União Europeia e a região dos Bálcãs Ocidentais, representada aqui pelas ex-repúblicas iugoslavas da Bósnia-Herzegovina, Croácia, Macedônia e Sérvia, no período 2000-2014. O foco deste estudo é o de analisar a ampliação da UE para os Bálcãs Ocidentais e sua influência na reforma do setor de segurança dos Estados balcânicos. Esta análise compreende a discussão da natureza da UE e de sua função regional e internacional; a dinâmica de integração e segurança na vizinhança europeia; e a utilização do princípio de condicionalidade e do fenômeno da europeização como expressões do poder normativo da UE. A hipótese é de que, através do seu poder normativo, a UE exerce um poder de atração irresistível em relação aos Estados balcânicos, o que os leva a aceitar o processo de adesão, visto que não são coagidos à anuência de suas regras. Assim, o poder normativo europeu é tido menos como uma imposição de normas e padrões e mais como um poder de atração ao qual não se pode resistir – e por isso é considerado uma forma de soft power. Logo, o processo de admissão à UE pode ser visto como uma ferramenta expansionista: a disseminação das normas europeias torna-se o seu principal instrumento de poder enquanto sistema regional. Como decorrência do exercício desse poder, sugere-se que o processo de adesão à UE tem impactado na reforma do setor de segurança dos países objeto de análise deste estudo. Sendo que um dos principais interesses da UE em relação aos Bálcãs Ocidentais é a segurança da região, o processo de expansão interfere nas reformas securitárias pelas quais cada Estado tem passado. Afirma-se, assim, que a UE trata da sua segurança e de seus membros através de uma política de expansão condicionada e institucionalizada pela entidade. A metodologia deste estudo parte do desenvolvimento de ferramentas teóricas para retratar o poder normativo como um mecanismo de soft power na relação entre a UE e os Bálcãs Ocidentais. O enquadramento dos objetos de pesquisa é feito pela análise de suas trajetórias de state-building e de tendência à democracia. A seguir, o Processo de Estabilização e Associação é examinado, bem como o desempenho dos candidatos balcânicos ocidentais, por meio da análise de conteúdo de instrumentos de normatização da UE e de entrevistas com membros das divisões nacionais e da UE ligadas ao enlargement. Por fim, um modelo explicativo é montado para ser aplicado ao fenômeno de europeização das reformas securitárias no quadro do processo de adesão à UE, a fim de se examinar o efeito deste último nas policies do setor de segurança. É possível perceber que a UE torna-se influente no sistema internacional muito mais pela força de suas normas do que por seu poder econômico ou militar. Este é o caso do processo de adesão, onde as regras são expostas de forma irresistível aos players da integração europeia: a UE se consolida como modelo regional ao trazer para sua esfera de influência os Estados que ainda não fazem parte do bloco. / The projection of norms and values is one of the means by which an international actor manages and maintains control or influence over a particular area within the international system. The European Union (EU) follows this logic in its foreign policy, which is guided by a normative bias through the defense of certain values in external relations. The promotion of these standards is what gives political weight to its performance on the international system. The object of this research are the relations between the European Union and the Western Balkans, here represented by the former Yugoslav republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia, in the period 2000-2014. The focus of this study is to analyze the EU enlargement to the Western Balkans and its role in reforming the security sector in the Balkan states. This analysis includes a discussion of the nature of the EU and its regional and international role as well as the dynamics of integration and security in the European neighborhood and the use of the principle of conditionality and the Europeanization as expressions of EU’s normative power. The hypothesis is that, through its normative power, the EU exerts a power of irresistible attraction towards the Balkan states, which leads them to accept the accession process since they are not coerced into the consent of the rules. Therefore, the EU’s normative power is less an imposition of EU norms and standards and more an irresistible attraction force - and that it is why it constitutes a soft power. The enlargement process, then, can be seen as an expansionist tool of its soft power policy, constituting the way by which the EU projects its regional power: the spread of European standards is the main instrument of power of the Union as a regional system. Because of the exercise of this power, we suggest that the enlargement process affects the security system reform of the Western Balkan countries. Since one of EU’s main interests in Western Balkans is the security of the region (and therefore the guarantee of its own security), the expansion process interferes in the security reforms each state has been promoting. Nonetheless, we can say the EU takes care of its safety and that of its members through a policy of expansion conditioned and institutionalized by it. The methodology of this study is the development of theoretical tools to portray the normative power as a soft power tool in the relations between the EU and the Western Balkans. The framework of the research objects is done by analyzing their trajectories of state-building and their democratic tendency. Next, the Stabilisation and Association Process is examined as well as the performance of Western Balkan candidates, through the content analysis of normative instruments of the EU and interviews with members of the EU and national divisions linked to the enlargement process. Finally, an explanatory model is developed to be applied to the Europeanization phenomenon of the security reforms within the framework of the EU accession process, in order to examine the effect of the latter in the security sector policies. Concluding, it is clear that the EU becomes influential in the international system much more by the force of its norms and standards than for its economic or military power. This is the case of the accession process, where the rules are exposed in an irresistible way to the players of the integration: the EU strengthens itself as a regional model by bringing to its sphere of influence those states that are not yet part of it.

La projection des normes et des valeurs est un moyen par lesquels un acteur international gère et maintient un contrôle ou une influence sur un domaine particulier dans le système international. L'Union européenne (UE) suit cette logique dans sa politique étrangère, qui est guidée par une orientation normative à la défense de quelques valeurs. La promotion de ces normes donne un poids politique à sa performance sur la scène internationale. L'objet de cette recherche est les relations entre l'Union européenne et les Balkans occidentaux, ici représentée par les anciennes républiques yougoslaves de la Bosnie- Herzégovine, la Croatie, la Macédoine et la Serbie, dans la période 2000-2014. L'objectif de cette étude est d'analyser l'élargissement de l'UE aux Balkans occidentaux et de son rôle dans la réforme du secteur de sécurité dans les pays des Balkans. Cette analyse comprend des discussions sur la nature de l'UE et son rôle régional et international, la dynamique de l'intégration et de sécurité dans le voisinage européen et l'utilisation du principe de conditionnalité et du phénomène d'européanisation comme des expressions de la puissance normative de l'UE. L'hypothèse est que, grâce à sa puissance normative, l'UE exerce un pouvoir d'attraction irrésistible vers les pays des Balkans, qui les conduisent à accepter le processus d'adhésion, même s'ils ne sont pas contraints du consentement des règles. Par conséquent, la puissance normative de l'UE est plus une force d'attraction irrésistible qu'une imposition de normes - et c'est pour ça qu'elle constitue un soft power. Le processus d'élargissement, alors, peut être considéré comme un outil expansionniste de sa politique de soft power, constituant le moyen par lequel elle projette sa puissance régionale: la propagation des normes européennes est le principal instrument de la puissance de l'UE comme un système régional. En raison de l'exercice de ce pouvoir, nous suggérons que le processus d'élargissement affecte en quelque sorte la réforme du système de sécurité des pays des Balkans. Puisque l'un des principaux intérêts de l'UE dans les Balkans occidentaux est la sécurité de la région, le processus d'expansion interfère dans les réformes de sécurité de chaque État balkanique. Néanmoins, l'UE prend soin de sa sécurité et celle de ses membres à travers une politique d'expansion conditionné et institutionnalisé par elle. La méthodologie de cette étude est le développement d'outils théoriques pour représenter la puissance normative comme un outil de soft power dans les relations entre l'UE et les Balkans occidentaux. Le cadre des objets de recherche se fait en analysant leurs trajectoires de construction de l'État et de la tendance de la démocratie. Ensuite, le processus de Stabilisation et d'association est examinée ainsi que la performance des candidats des Balkans occidentaux, à travers l'analyse du contenu des instruments normatifs de l'UE et des entretiens avec les membres des divisions nationales et de l'UE liées à l'élargissement. Enfin, un modèle explicatif est conçu pour être appliqué au phénomène d'européanisation des réformes de sécurité dans le cadre du processus d'adhésion à l'UE, afin d'examiner l'effet de cette dernière dans les politiques du secteur de sécurité. En conclusion, l'UE devient influente dans le système international par la force de ses normes. C'est le cas du processus d'adhésion, où les règles sont exposées d'une manière irrésistible pour les joueurs de la dynamique d'intégration. Alors, l'UE se renforce comme un modèle régional en portant à sa sphère d'influence les États qui ne sont pas encore parties de celui-ci. / A projeção de normas e valores é um dos meios pelos quais um ator internacional consegue e mantém domínio ou influência sobre uma determinada área dentro do sistema internacional. A União Europeia (UE) segue esta lógica ao pautar sua política externa por um viés normativo, através da defesa de determinados valores nas relações exteriores. A promoção dessas normas é o que confere peso político à sua atuação no cenário internacional. Esta pesquisa tem como objeto as relações entre a União Europeia e a região dos Bálcãs Ocidentais, representada aqui pelas ex-repúblicas iugoslavas da Bósnia-Herzegovina, Croácia, Macedônia e Sérvia, no período 2000-2014. O foco deste estudo é o de analisar a ampliação da UE para os Bálcãs Ocidentais e sua influência na reforma do setor de segurança dos Estados balcânicos. Esta análise compreende a discussão da natureza da UE e de sua função regional e internacional; a dinâmica de integração e segurança na vizinhança europeia; e a utilização do princípio de condicionalidade e do fenômeno da europeização como expressões do poder normativo da UE. A hipótese é de que, através do seu poder normativo, a UE exerce um poder de atração irresistível em relação aos Estados balcânicos, o que os leva a aceitar o processo de adesão, visto que não são coagidos à anuência de suas regras. Assim, o poder normativo europeu é tido menos como uma imposição de normas e padrões e mais como um poder de atração ao qual não se pode resistir – e por isso é considerado uma forma de soft power. Logo, o processo de admissão à UE pode ser visto como uma ferramenta expansionista: a disseminação das normas europeias torna-se o seu principal instrumento de poder enquanto sistema regional. Como decorrência do exercício desse poder, sugere-se que o processo de adesão à UE tem impactado na reforma do setor de segurança dos países objeto de análise deste estudo. Sendo que um dos principais interesses da UE em relação aos Bálcãs Ocidentais é a segurança da região, o processo de expansão interfere nas reformas securitárias pelas quais cada Estado tem passado. Afirma-se, assim, que a UE trata da sua segurança e de seus membros através de uma política de expansão condicionada e institucionalizada pela entidade. A metodologia deste estudo parte do desenvolvimento de ferramentas teóricas para retratar o poder normativo como um mecanismo de soft power na relação entre a UE e os Bálcãs Ocidentais. O enquadramento dos objetos de pesquisa é feito pela análise de suas trajetórias de state-building e de tendência à democracia. A seguir, o Processo de Estabilização e Associação é examinado, bem como o desempenho dos candidatos balcânicos ocidentais, por meio da análise de conteúdo de instrumentos de normatização da UE e de entrevistas com membros das divisões nacionais e da UE ligadas ao enlargement. Por fim, um modelo explicativo é montado para ser aplicado ao fenômeno de europeização das reformas securitárias no quadro do processo de adesão à UE, a fim de se examinar o efeito deste último nas policies do setor de segurança. É possível perceber que a UE torna-se influente no sistema internacional muito mais pela força de suas normas do que por seu poder econômico ou militar. Este é o caso do processo de adesão, onde as regras são expostas de forma irresistível aos players da integração europeia: a UE se consolida como modelo regional ao trazer para sua esfera de influência os Estados que ainda não fazem parte do bloco. / The projection of norms and values is one of the means by which an international actor manages and maintains control or influence over a particular area within the international system. The European Union (EU) follows this logic in its foreign policy, which is guided by a normative bias through the defense of certain values in external relations. The promotion of these standards is what gives political weight to its performance on the international system. The object of this research are the relations between the European Union and the Western Balkans, here represented by the former Yugoslav republics of Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia and Serbia, in the period 2000-2014. The focus of this study is to analyze the EU enlargement to the Western Balkans and its role in reforming the security sector in the Balkan states. This analysis includes a discussion of the nature of the EU and its regional and international role as well as the dynamics of integration and security in the European neighborhood and the use of the principle of conditionality and the Europeanization as expressions of EU’s normative power. The hypothesis is that, through its normative power, the EU exerts a power of irresistible attraction towards the Balkan states, which leads them to accept the accession process since they are not coerced into the consent of the rules. Therefore, the EU’s normative power is less an imposition of EU norms and standards and more an irresistible attraction force - and that it is why it constitutes a soft power. The enlargement process, then, can be seen as an expansionist tool of its soft power policy, constituting the way by which the EU projects its regional power: the spread of European standards is the main instrument of power of the Union as a regional system. Because of the exercise of this power, we suggest that the enlargement process affects the security system reform of the Western Balkan countries. Since one of EU’s main interests in Western Balkans is the security of the region (and therefore the guarantee of its own security), the expansion process interferes in the security reforms each state has been promoting. Nonetheless, we can say the EU takes care of its safety and that of its members through a policy of expansion conditioned and institutionalized by it. The methodology of this study is the development of theoretical tools to portray the normative power as a soft power tool in the relations between the EU and the Western Balkans. The framework of the research objects is done by analyzing their trajectories of state-building and their democratic tendency. Next, the Stabilisation and Association Process is examined as well as the performance of Western Balkan candidates, through the content analysis of normative instruments of the EU and interviews with members of the EU and national divisions linked to the enlargement process. Finally, an explanatory model is developed to be applied to the Europeanization phenomenon of the security reforms within the framework of the EU accession process, in order to examine the effect of the latter in the security sector policies. Concluding, it is clear that the EU becomes influential in the international system much more by the force of its norms and standards than for its economic or military power. This is the case of the accession process, where the rules are exposed in an irresistible way to the players of the integration: the EU strengthens itself as a regional model by bringing to its sphere of influence those states that are not yet part of it.

Doctoral dissertation presents an analysis of the Serbian economy in the mutual relations between the European Union (EU) and the Western Balkans. The assumption that the EU and Serbia, as an integral part of the Balkan region, have interests in the partnership and cooperation is the baseline of the research. The following aspects have been singled out, by method of ranking, which is based on achieving the highest turnover in the last six years: trade, foreign direct investment and energy. Gravity model was used to analyze routes of trade and energy. A models of trade import and export between Serbia and the EU 28 member countries and the countries of the Western Balkans, as well as models of imports and exports of energy between Serbia and the EU 28 member countries and the countries of the Western Balkans, were used in order to assess the potential of trade and energy trade. Method of trend line and trend extrapolation of foreign direct investment (FDI) was used in order to determine the degree of the presence of FDI in Serbia and their predictions, which could be an indicator of investment climate in Serbia. The conclusion is that Serbia has strategic importance as a candidate for membership in the EU because of its regional importance. Entering the Western Balkan countries in the EU should not happen without Serbia, because Serbia has a regional importance, which arise from the economic, historical, cultural, infrastructural and geopolitical links with countries in the region, of which some are already members of the EU.

Brain drain, or human capital flight, is a phenomenon which represents a society-wide problem in the post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). At present, more than half of the people claiming BiH nationality live abroad, out of which a significant part possesses tertiary education. Loss of human capital carries negative socio-economic consequences which hinder the country's development. On the other hand, brain gain, i.e. return of highly skilled migrants to their country of origin, might reverse some of the unfavourable effects. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of the return of highly skilled migrants remains under researched not only within the region of the Western Balkans, but also on a global scale. Although this type of migration has increasingly attracted the attention of many scholars from various academic and non- academic fields, contemporary literature on this topic suffers from limitations and tends to oversimplify the returnees' motivations to purely economic incentives. This study attempts to describe the complex factors leading the highly skilled migrants to return to BiH. Based on the 33 respondents' subjective preferences from the spheres of career, family and lifestyle, this work provides an insight into the decisions of returnees in the context of the developing Western Balkan country.

The overall purpose of this thesis is three folded; to analyze Turkey's constantly changing influence since the 1990s in the Western Balkans, consider the failed 2016 coup attempt in Turkey and the anti-Gülenist campaign by Erdogan in the region (with Kosovo as the focus), and to delve into the international and local media discourse surrounding the deportations of suspected Gülenist from Kosovo with the help of Turkish intelligence on March 29, 2018. Employing a mixed methodology approach, the author evaluated existing sources in an attempt to answer the research question; "In what ways has the 2016 Coup d'état attempt in Turkey resonated in the Western Balkans, and how did the local and international media discourse portray the 2018 Gülenists extraditions from Kosovo to Turkey?" The research holds that while the media discourse displayed Kosovo and Turkey's actions as being in violation of numerous international laws, the issue was quickly swept away from the spotlight. Since 2012 (the beginning of the Erdogan-Gülen rift) and especially following the 2016 failed coup attempt in Turkey, Erdogan has been emboldened by his growing personal relationships with key Balkan politicians. This has led to continued demands (thus far met with little success) that Western Balkan states arrest and deport...

The dissertation is aimed at the analysis of various strategies and approaches of the international community in solving conflicts having originated due to the dissolution of former Yugoslavia since 1991. It is divided into two sections - the former being devoted to the historiographical description of events taking place in the particular countries with main focus on various peace plans and other initiatives proposed and suggested by the international community, while the latter emphasizes potential security threats that might be faced by the region. At the same time it is trying to offer lessons from the mistakes and failures made in the past, since these could become relevant for the international community when dealing with potential new conflicts. Current probability of the origin of new security threats in the form of ethnic conflicts was selected as the main criterion for the selection of countries analyzed in the dissertation - this is also why Croatia is excluded; although it was a significant player of ethnic conflict in 1991-95, due to considerable elimination of Serbian minority representation as a result of the Operation Storm this country does not further constitute a relevant melting pot, where ethnically motivated tensions could rise again. Hence, the analysis is targeted at two...

This study investigated whether EU Progress Reports measured the Copenhagen political criteria in a biased manner compared to independent indices. At stake is the credibility of the EU accession process and whether countries in the Western Balkans will seek partnerships with the EU or state-actors beyond the European peninsula. This is a case study of how well Albania and North Macedonia fared regarding the political criteria during 2014 and 2017. Each country was ranked against one another in order to find potential discrepancies between measurements from Progress Reports and independent indices. This paper did find evidence that suggests the European Commission disfavored North Macedonia and favored Albania. However, other results were inconclusive. The finding supported accession literature that has called into question the objectivity of the EU accession process.