This thesis examines science's role in the construction of Britain's new Houses of Parliament between 1834 and 1860. Architecturally the Gothic Palace embodies Victorian notions of the medieval and romanticized perceptions of English history. Yet in the mid-nineteenth century, the building not only reflected, but was involved in, the very latest scientific knowledge. This included chemistry, optics, geology, horology, and architecture as a science itself. Science was chosen, performed, trusted, displayed, contested, and debated through the physical space of government. Parliament was a place where science was done. Not only was knowledge imported to guide architectural construction, but it was actively produced within the walls of Britain's new legislature. I argue that this attention to science was not coincidental. Rather, it was a crucial demonstration of the changing relationship between science and politics. Science was increasingly asserted to be a powerful form of knowledge, and to an institution struggling to secure authority in the uncertainty of reformed British politics, it appeared a valuable resource for credibility. Contextualizing the use of science at Parliament in the political instability of the 1830s and 1840s emphasizes how the use of new knowledge was a potent practice of constructing political authority.

The Seven Years’ War and the resulting Treaty of Paris of 1763 represent a watershed in British domestic and imperial histories. Not only did the war result in Britain acquiring vast new territories and rights in North America and South Asia, but it also saddled Britain with a national debt of over £140,000,000. The challenge for British politicians in the post-1763 era was not only finding a balance between the need to secure territorial gains while searching for a means to reduce costs and raise revenues to pay down the debt, but rather to do so without infringing on the constitutional rights of colonists and chartered companies. The political ramifications of the Treaty of Paris were equally important. Disputes over the terms of the Peace tore apart the Newcastle-Pitt coalition, resulting in the dissolution of the Whig Broadbottom. With the Duke of Newcastle and his allies in opposition alongside William Pitt, the political situation was thrown into turmoil. Although the confused state of politics in the short-term undoubtedly resulted in an opposition which acted, as Namier suggested, on the basis of self-interest rather than on principles, it can also be said to have provided the matrix within which historians can observe the genesis of new policies of domestic and imperial governance. It was precisely the lack of ideological identification in politics at the accession of George III that allowed British political ideologies in the age of the American Revolution to so quickly develop alongside the formulation and implementation of, as well as in the opposition responses to, the new challenges facing British parliamentarians in the governance of the Empire. This work therefore traces the development of distinct imperial ideologies among British politicians as they emerged in response to the various imperial crises of the 1760s and 1770s. Additionally, it will be shown that the new and unprecedented crises in both American and Indian affairs were brought about primarily as a means of obtaining revenues for the Treasury. The interrelated nature of the imperial problems in the east and the west, as well as the attempts of British politicians to resolve them, will be examined primarily through the policies made surrounding the article of tea.

Thesis (D. Min.)--Northern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2007. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 169-178).

During the twentieth century, Cable & Wireless was the world’s biggest and most important telegraphy company, employing large numbers of people in stations across the world. Its network of submarine cables and wireless routes circumnavigated the globe, connecting Britain with the Empire. This thesis examines the ways in which the British Empire and modernity shaped Cable & Wireless’ corporate identity in order to understand the historical geography of the relationships between Empire, state, and modernity. Additionally, it investigates the role of design in the Company’s engagement with the discourses of modernity and imperialism. Historical Geography has not paid sufficient attention to the role of companies, in particular technology companies, as institutions of imperialism and instruments of modernity. The study of businesses within Historical Geography is in its infancy, and this thesis will provide a major contribution to this developing field. This thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach that sits at the intersection of three main disciplines: Historical Geography, Design History and Business History. This thesis examines how Cable & Wireless’ identity was produced, transmitted and consumed. This thesis is based on detailed research in Cable &Wireless’ corporate archive at Porthcurno, examining a wide range of visual and textual sources. This pays particular attention to how the Company designed its corporate identity through maps, posters, ephemera, corporate magazines and exhibitions. Drawing upon the conceptualizations of the Empire as a network, it argues that Cable & Wireless’ identity was networked like its submarine cables with decision-making power, money and identity traversing this network. This thesis seeks to place both the company and the concept of corporate identity within a broader historical and artistic context, tracing the development of both the company’s institutional narrative and the corporate uses of visual technologies. No study has been conducted into the corporate identity and visual culture of Cable & Wireless. This thesis not only provides a new dimension to knowledge and understanding of the historical operations of Cable & Wireless, but also makes a substantive contribution to the wider fields of Historical Geography, Business History, Design History and the study of visual culture.

一九八○年代迄今，對英美語系和歐陸等先進工業民主國家的政府部門而言，是一個治理模式變革的年代。值得注意的是，這一波政府改革運動的持續力和影響層面是歷史上少見的，驅動改革的相關理念亦有脈絡可循，並且已經浮現出若干明顯的新治理模式。可惜的是，這一波政府改革風潮雖然有著許多不同而動人的稱號（如新公共管理運動、政府再造運動），以及眾多令人目眩神迷的改革策略（如顧客導向的服務、簽約外包、組織精簡等），但是針對各類新的治理模式或各種改革方略所進行的分析及評估卻不多。本文將嘗試由治理（governance）概念發展出一套評估性的分析架構，以作為檢驗這些新的治理模式或改革策略的工具。這一套評估性的分析架構包括三個部分：治理工具的選擇、治理過程的互動關係及治理能力的評估指標。 目 錄 第一章 導論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥1 第一節 研究動機與目的 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥2 第二節 研究方法與途徑 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥8 第三節 研究範圍與流程 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥11 第四節 治理概念的界定 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥13 第五節 研究限制 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥19 第二章 西敏寺型式的改革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥22 第一節 西敏寺民主模式的特徵及其困境 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥22 一、西敏寺模式的主要特徵 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥22 二、西敏寺模式的困境 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥24 第二節 柴契爾革命的背景 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥29 一、經濟和社會的壓力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥30 二、政治和行政的困局 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥34 三、歐洲化的衝擊 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥35 四、柴契爾個人的意志 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥37 第三節 新右派的改革理念 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥37 一、自由主義和保守哲學 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥38 二、奧地利學派和芝加哥學派 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥40 三、公共選擇理論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥42 四、管理主義 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥49 第四節 保守黨政府的改革行動 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥53 一、改革紀事（1979-1997） ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥53 二、改革歷程及其重點 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥57 第三章 治理概念的分析架構 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥60 第一節 治理概念途徑的內涵 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥60 一、治理概念的七種用法 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥60 二、治理和新公共管理之間的差異 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥64 三、治理概念的五個命題 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥66 第二節 治理工具的類型 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥71 一、從政策工具到治理工具 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥71 二、四種治理工具 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥72 三、四種治理工具的比較 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥77 第三節 治理關係的層次 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥79 一、從政府統治到多層治理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥79 二、三個層次的治理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥81 第四節 治理能力的指標 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥85 一、善治的參考指標 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥85 二、動態指標的建構 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥88 第五節 研究架構的提出 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥92 第四章 財務管理改革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥94 第一節 績效責任導向的財務管理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥94 一、效率稽核 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥95 二、財務管理方案 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥96 三、市場測試 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥98 四、績效責任審計 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥99 五、強化會計功能 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥101 第二節 治理工具的選擇 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥102 一、層級節制為體，市場機制為用 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥103 二、官僚經驗與管理文化的變革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥104 第三節 治理過程的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥109 一、官僚與廠商的競爭 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥109 二、內部審計重於外部審計 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥111 三、中央集權與地方分權的拉鋸 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥112 第四節 治理能力的評估 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥114 一、從政治理性出發的問題診斷 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥114 二、柴契爾優越的統理能力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥115 三、仍須強化的回應力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥116 四、改革效益大於改革成本 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥119 第五章 組織結構的變革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥124 第一節 市場模式的組織結構 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥124 一、民營化 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥125 二、續階計畫 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥127 第二節 治理工具的選擇 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥133 一、從層級節制到市場機制 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥133 二、組織經濟學的論證 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥135 第三節 治理過程的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥138 一、國家空心化（hollowing-out） ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥139 二、行政執行機關與部會的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥140 第四節 治理能力的評估 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥144 一、特定系絡下的問題診斷 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥144 二、梅傑與柴契爾在統理能力上的比較 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥145 三、回應力與反作用力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥147 四、效益遞減、成本遞增 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥148 第六章 文官制度調整 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥152 第一節 人力資源管理取向的文官制度 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥152 一、富爾頓報告的遺緒 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥153 二、人事行政機關的改組 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥155 三、雇用制度的變革 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥157 四、訓練制度的發展 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥163 五、文官員額精簡 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥166 第二節 治理工具的選擇 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥167 一、從人事管理到人力資源管理 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥168 二、人力資源管理的內涵 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥170 三、策略性人力資源管理的省思 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥171 第三節 治理過程的互動關係 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥173 一、部長責任制與文官政治中立 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥173 二、政治控制與文官特權 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥174 三、續階計畫與行政課責 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥175 四、核心主管部門與高級文官的決策角色 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥177 第四節 治理能力的評估 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥179 一、難以周全的問題診斷 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥179 二、梅傑與柴契爾在統理態度上的比較 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥181 三、遲來的回應力 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥182 四、潛在的成本與潛在的效益 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥183 第七章 結論 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥187 第一節 研究發現 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥188 第二節 研究建議 ‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥‥200

Washington National Cathedral sits atop Mt. St. Alban’s hill in Washington, D.C. declaring itself the nation’s cathedral and spiritual home for the nation. The idea of a national church serving national purposes was first envisioned by L’Enfant in the District’s original plan. Left aside in the times of nation building, the idea of a national church slumbered until 1893 when a group of Episcopalians petitioned and received a Congressional charter to begin a church and school in Washington, D.C. The first bishop of Washington, Henry Y. Satterlee, began his bishopric with the understanding that this cathedral being built by the Protestant Episcopal Church Foundation was to be a house of prayer for all people. Using Jasinksi’s constructivist orientation to reveal the one hundred year rhetorical history defining what constitutes a “national cathedral” within the narrative paradigm first established by Walter Fisher, this work utilizes a rhetorical biographical approach to uncover the various discourses of those speaking of and about the Cathedral. This biographical approach claims that Washington National Cathedral possesses an ethos that differentiates the national cathedral from the Cathedral of St. Peter and St. Paul even though the two names refer to the same building. The WNC ethos is one that allows a constant “becoming” of a national cathedral, and this ability to “become” allows for a rhetorical voice of the entity we call Washington National Cathedral. Four loci of rhetorical construction weave through this dissertation in the guiding question of how the Cathedral rhetorically created and how it sustains itself as Washington National Cathedral: rhetoric about the Cathedral, the Cathedral as rhetoric, the Cathedral as context, and Cathedral Dean Francis Sayre, Jr. as synecdoche with the Cathedral. This dissertation is divided into eight rhetorical moments of change that take the idea of a national church from L’Enfant’s 1791 plan of the City through the January 2013 announcement allowing same-sex weddings at the Cathedral and Obama’s second inaugural prayer service. The result of this rhetorical exploration is a more nuanced understanding of the place and how it functions in an otherwise secular society for which there is no precedent for the establishment of a national cathedral completely separated from the national government. The narrative strains that wind through Cathedral discourse create a braid of text, context, and moral imperative that ultimately allows for the unique construction of Washington National Cathedral, a construction of what defines “national” created entirely by the Cathedral.

The 1980s witnessed a judicial “rights revolution” in Canada characterized by the Supreme Court of Canada striking down both federal and provincial legislation which violated the rights guaranteed by the 1982 Charter of Rights. The lack of a similar judicial “rights revolution” in the wake of the 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights has largely been attributed to the structural difference between the two instruments with the latter – as a “mere” statute of the federal parliament – providing little more than a canon of construction and (unlike the Charter) not empowering the courts to engage in judicial review of legislation. Yet this view contrasts starkly with how the Bill was portrayed by the Diefenbaker government, which argued that it provided for judicial review and would “prevail” over other federal legislation. Many modern scholars have dismissed the idea that the Bill could prevail over other federal statutes as being incompatible with the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. That is, a bill of rights could only prevail over legislation if incorporated into the British North America Act. As such, they argue that the Diefenbaker government could not have intended the Bill of Rights to operate as anything more than a canon of construction. However, such a view ignores the turbulence in constitutional thinking on parliamentary sovereignty in the 1930s through 1960s provoked by the Statute of Westminster. This era produced the doctrine of “self-embracing” sovereignty – in contrast to traditional “Dicey” sovereignty – where parliament could limit itself through “ordinary” legislation. The effective author of the Canadian Bill of Rights, Elmer Driedger, was an adherent of this doctrine as well as an advocate of a “purposive” approach to statutory interpretation. Driedger, thus, drafted the Bill based upon the doctrine of self-embracing sovereignty and believed it would enjoy a “purposive” interpretation by the courts, with the Bill designed to be as effective at guaranteeing rights as the Statute of Westminster was at liberating Canada from Imperial legislation.

The 1980s witnessed a judicial “rights revolution” in Canada characterized by the Supreme Court of Canada striking down both federal and provincial legislation which violated the rights guaranteed by the 1982 Charter of Rights. The lack of a similar judicial “rights revolution” in the wake of the 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights has largely been attributed to the structural difference between the two instruments with the latter – as a “mere” statute of the federal parliament – providing little more than a canon of construction and (unlike the Charter) not empowering the courts to engage in judicial review of legislation. Yet this view contrasts starkly with how the Bill was portrayed by the Diefenbaker government, which argued that it provided for judicial review and would “prevail” over other federal legislation. Many modern scholars have dismissed the idea that the Bill could prevail over other federal statutes as being incompatible with the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. That is, a bill of rights could only prevail over legislation if incorporated into the British North America Act. As such, they argue that the Diefenbaker government could not have intended the Bill of Rights to operate as anything more than a canon of construction. However, such a view ignores the turbulence in constitutional thinking on parliamentary sovereignty in the 1930s through 1960s provoked by the Statute of Westminster. This era produced the doctrine of “self-embracing” sovereignty – in contrast to traditional “Dicey” sovereignty – where parliament could limit itself through “ordinary” legislation. The effective author of the Canadian Bill of Rights, Elmer Driedger, was an adherent of this doctrine as well as an advocate of a “purposive” approach to statutory interpretation. Driedger, thus, drafted the Bill based upon the doctrine of self-embracing sovereignty and believed it would enjoy a “purposive” interpretation by the courts, with the Bill designed to be as effective at guaranteeing rights as the Statute of Westminster was at liberating Canada from Imperial legislation.

The 1980s witnessed a judicial “rights revolution” in Canada characterized by the Supreme Court of Canada striking down both federal and provincial legislation which violated the rights guaranteed by the 1982 Charter of Rights. The lack of a similar judicial “rights revolution” in the wake of the 1960 Canadian Bill of Rights has largely been attributed to the structural difference between the two instruments with the latter – as a “mere” statute of the federal parliament – providing little more than a canon of construction and (unlike the Charter) not empowering the courts to engage in judicial review of legislation. Yet this view contrasts starkly with how the Bill was portrayed by the Diefenbaker government, which argued that it provided for judicial review and would “prevail” over other federal legislation. Many modern scholars have dismissed the idea that the Bill could prevail over other federal statutes as being incompatible with the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. That is, a bill of rights could only prevail over legislation if incorporated into the British North America Act. As such, they argue that the Diefenbaker government could not have intended the Bill of Rights to operate as anything more than a canon of construction. However, such a view ignores the turbulence in constitutional thinking on parliamentary sovereignty in the 1930s through 1960s provoked by the Statute of Westminster. This era produced the doctrine of “self-embracing” sovereignty – in contrast to traditional “Dicey” sovereignty – where parliament could limit itself through “ordinary” legislation. The effective author of the Canadian Bill of Rights, Elmer Driedger, was an adherent of this doctrine as well as an advocate of a “purposive” approach to statutory interpretation. Driedger, thus, drafted the Bill based upon the doctrine of self-embracing sovereignty and believed it would enjoy a “purposive” interpretation by the courts, with the Bill designed to be as effective at guaranteeing rights as the Statute of Westminster was at liberating Canada from Imperial legislation.

“The Roots of Puritanism in the Korean Presbyterian Church” offers an analysis on Puritanism and an alternative to the contemporary Korean Presbyterian Church, which has lost its course; specifically in the current century of mission in Korea. The reasons for the abovementioned idea are as follows. Firstly, Puritanism was not foreign concept to Korean Christians, who have had contact with the concept before. Early missionaries in America fought against Conservatism (or Fundamentalism) and Liberalism. The conservative camp especially tried to hold on to the Westminster Confession of Faith and the authority of the Bible. These were the representatives of Puritan legacies. Puritanism was naturally implanted into Korean soil through early foreign missionaries who preached the Gospel. Therefore, the suggested idea must take on the character not of a creation but of a restoration in terms of the Korean Presbyterian Church. Secondly, it is due to its confidence that the Puritans pursuing points, which tried to establish the whole society on the basis of the Bible, are the answer to the contemporary Korean Presbyterian Church, which has stagnated in both number and quality of faith. The Puritans did not separate faith from the secular world. Instead, they tried to establish their society on the Bible. The Covenant with the church and the state as well as the individual was a strong vehicle for their thoughts. Their ultimate aim was piety in the presence of God. Meanwhile, the early Korean Presbyterian Church adopted the Twelve Articles of Faith and the Westminster Confession of Faith as official creeds. It meant that the Korean Presbyterian Church kept the Puritan point of the Bible and faith from 1884 to the middle of the 1930’s. The faculty of Pyungyang Theological Seminary, which was a unique training school for would-be ministers, taught the Puritan faith and theology thoroughly. However, Korean political changes tremendously influenced her Christianity. During the period of Japanese Imperialism (1919-1945), the early conservative faith and theology had to face the challenge of Liberalism. The whole of the Korean Presbyterian Church submitted to the Japanese iron-fisted rule and Shrine Worship in 1937. However, the Puritan faith and theology were rediscovered through the faith of the few resistors of Japanese rule. After Liberation from Japan in 1945, the antagonism of ideology caused Korea divided into two. On the one hand, North Korea fell under the banner of communism, which thoroughly eradicated the church in terms of its ideology more than the Japanese did. On the other hand, South Korea joined under the banner of democracy and churches were found to be in an unparalleled prosperous condition. The few resistors of Japanese imperialism cried out for the Puritan faith and demanded that the Korean Church should officially repent the sin of Japanese Shrine worship. However, an overwhelming majority consisting of the ecclesiastical authorities rejected their proposal as well as their faith and treated them as religious outcasts. The few resistors detached themselves from the established denomination and formed the Goshin Party. After the separation, schisms of denomination accelerated, because of differences in faith and theology or religious concession. In addition, Pentecostal theology and its spirituality as a substitute to Puritanism were more dominant in Korean Christianity than any other denominations. The Private experience and the charismata of the Holy Spirit were the keys points of the Pentecostal movement. They contributed to the concern and development of Pneumatology in Korean Christianity. However, Pentecostalism made the Presbyterian Church interpret the Bible without theological balance. The church began to seek material blessings instead of spiritual ones and to the pursuit of this world instead of the next. In addition, the Presbyterian Church was only concerned with itself without being indifferent to the ungodly society beyond itself. In conclusion, the restoration of Puritanism, which tried to base both the society and the church on the foundation of the Bible, is the best solution to the future contemporary Presbyterian Church. / Thesis (PhD (Church History and Church Polity))--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Church History and Church Policy / PhD / unrestricted