Orientador: Oswaldo Martins Estanislau do Amaral / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T03:58:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Martins_RicharddeOliveira_M.pdf: 1918200 bytes, checksum: c2303a7b52e13bc0703224afe53488bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Empreendemos uma reconstrução crítica do debate sobre a regulamentação do direito de tendências internas no Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) entre 1986 e 1992. Na análise do processo, constatamos o caráter seletivo da implementação das resoluções sobre tendências, mais relacionada com as estratégias e táticas de atuação de cada grupo do que propriamente com sua (in)adequação às regras formais de funcionamento partidário. Assim, a regulamentação se configurou como um instrumento disciplinar de restrição, que pôde ser mobilizado para excluir agrupamentos inteiros do PT / Abstract: Our work undertakes a critical reconstruction of the debate on the regulation of the internal tendencies¿ right in Brazilian Workers¿ Party (PT) between 1986 and 1992. We state that the process of regulation and interpretation of this right had a selective character, and that its consequences were more related to the different strategies and tactics chosen by each fraction than properly to the (in)adequacy of those groups to the formal party rules. Thus, the regulation could be used as a disciplinary restriction tool, mobilized to exclude fractions of the party / Mestrado / Ciencia Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

Esta Tese de Doutorado visa analisar a Política Externa Brasileira durante os oito anos do Governo do Presidente da República Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 - 2010). Ela foi caracterizada como de continuidade, mudanças e rupturas em relação à política desenvolvida por governos anteriores durante o período democrático do país. Os resultados alcançados se devem a uma aliança positiva entre o Partido dos Trabalhadores, representado no governo pelo Presidente Lula, seu Assessor Especial para assuntos internacionais, Marco Aurélio Garcia e titulares de outros Ministérios com o setor \"soberanista\" do Itamaraty, representado, principalmente pelo Ministro Celso Amorim e o Secretário Geral do Ministério de Relações Exteriores, Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães, bem como por outros servidores do Itamaraty. As visões comuns da aliança possibilitou constituir uma sinergia que levou a bons resultados. / This PhD thesis aim to analyze the Brazilian Foreign Policy during the eight years mandate of the President of the Republic, Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva\'s Government (2003- 2010). It was characterized as a policy of continuation, changes and ruptures in comparison with the one developed under former governments of the countries\' democratic period. The results achieved are due a positive alliance between the Workers\' Party represented in the government by President Lula, his special adviser for foreign affairs and the heads of other Ministries with the \"sovereignist\" sector of the Itamaraty, mainly Minister Celso Amorim and the General Secretary of the Foreign Affairs Ministry, Samuel Pinheiro Guimarães, as well as by other servants of the Itamaraty. The common visions of the alliance allowed to constitue a synergy that led to good results.

What leads a person to become an armed guerrilla? This qualitative case study utilizes select elements of a hermeneutic and existential phenomenology—through a lens of Freirean critical theory and transformative research—to investigate the commonalities in the material, psychological, artistic, and spiritual motivations behind Kurdish guerrillas in the PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party). Other key elements are the search for an incipient turning point in their early pre-guerrilla lives that placed them on the road to rebellion, and the grounded theory that there exists an ‘Guevarian Archetype’ (derived from Che Guevara) personified by those who are driven to join the PKK. Through an in-depth dissection of Turkey’s historical oppression of Kurds in occupied Northern Kurdistan (southeastern Turkey), and extensive use of direct quotations by those affected, the author hopes to provide practitioners in the discipline of conflict analysis a new holistic template with which to analyze the metastasizing components behind other armed insurgencies. This prism includes comparison of the testament dataset acquired through in-depth focused interviews with 20 veteran PKK guerrillas, against corresponding testimony of their opposition in the Turkish Army, an anecdotal narrative of episodic vignettes, and a literary exegesis of several metaphysical concepts with their own original definitions. Drawing on the ideas of diverse theorists, philosophers, and past revolutionaries, the author hopes to provide a revelatory milieu for exploring the PKK’s governing ideology of democratic confederalism as espoused by imprisoned Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan, and the emancipatory avant-garde impulses that counterintuitively lead compassionate guerrillas to defensively kill out of universal love.

No / How have party systems and individual parties in Latin America responded to, and filtered, women's movement demands for political voice representation and state gender policies. Does this vary between national and local levels of government? This study compares two Latin American cases. The first analyses the National Women's Ministry (SERNAM) in Chile, a country with a history of ideological conflict, strong parties and centralized government. The second examines the local administrations of the left-wing Brazilian Workers' Party in Brazil, in a political environment shaped by clientelism, weak parties and decentralization. This is the first study to focus exclusively on parties as gendered and gendering organizations, analysing them not just in terms of ideology, but also of their individual party histories and cultures, expressed as a gendered political habitus and sociability. This book also highlights the spatiality of party and gender politics by examining local as well as national government. ' ...a most welcome contribution to the analysis of Latin American politics, and to the field of gender studies. Exhaustively researched, it reveals the intricate relationships between gender politics, public institutions and policy outcomes. No one reading this book will be left in doubt as to the importance of political parties for advancing equality agendas, nor about the obstacles that party systems place in the way of female representation.' - Maxine Molyneux, Professor of Sociology, Institute for the Study of the Americas, University of London, UK List of Tables Glossary List of Brazilian States Acknowledgements Introduction Gendered and Gendering Parties PART 1: BRAZIL Porous Parties, Permeable State The Workers' Party, Gender and Feminism O Modo Petista: Local Level Gender Policy PART 2: CHILE In Their Place: The Political Uses of Women Between Ideologies: The National Women's Ministry Decentralization Deficits: Delivering Policy at the Local Level Comparisons and Conclusions Notes and References Index FIONA MACAULAY is Lecturer in Development Studies in the Department of Peace Studies, University of Bradford, UK. Her research interests, on which she has published widely, cover gender and politics, decentralization and social policies, human rights and the criminal justice system in Brazil and Latin America.

Yes / This chapter examines the five and a half years in office of Dilma Rousseff, Brazil’s first woman president. Her two terms in office, the second of which was truncated by her impeachment, coincided with the end of a two-decade cycle of post-transition democratic governance dominated politically by two parties (the PSDB and PT) and their presidents (Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Luiz Inácio ‘Lula’ da Silva). Her presidencies saw the decay of a political consensus in the liberal centre ground, and a fragmentation of the party system that stressed Brazil’s form of coalitional presidentialism to breaking point. The capture of the nation’s legislature by new socially conservative forces that were both responding to, and attempting to reshape, Brazil’s political culture, began to threaten some of the progress on gender equality achieved in since the transition in the mid-1980s. The chapter explores the role that gender politics and discourses played in this political environment, her election, her government and her controversial impeachment in 2016.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Felipe Henrique Goncalves da Silva.pdf: 1834076 bytes, checksum: a485d186e8c7982893fdca62475b73b8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-30 / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / This dissertation analyzes the formation and development of the political thought of the Workers Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores - PT) between the years 1987 to 1991. It seeks to understand the debates about the categories of democracy and socialism and, therefore, the appropriation of the notion of democracy as a universal value, from a eurocomunist reading of the main theses and categories of the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci. It analyzes the discussions of concepts such as mass party, state, accumulation of power, hegemony, real socialism and democratic socialism". In this investigative path, we studied magazine articles from Teoria e Debate (Theory and Discussion) and political resolutions of Meetings and National Congresses, both official documents of the Workers Party (PT). Still looking to grasp the historical process of formation of the PT theory taking into account their relationship with both the Brazilian left which emerges, as with the character of the "democratic left" in the world as a whole. In this way we can note that PT, despite of being proposed as a "new historical", itself engenders the same problems that agonized left in its history, considering that by rejecting to undertake a deep theoretical analysis of reality, PT becomes the victim of electioneering practices and proposals for better ways of administering the capital, in the speech program for economic growth and income distribution. The fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of "real socialism" consolidated a process of abandonment of Marxist theories and definition of "democratic socialism", in other words the option for the defense of "democratic path to socialism" emphasizes the centrality of the passage from work, typical of Marx's ontology, to the centrality of politics. In this change, Marxist references have been definitely abandoned, the ones which still hovered and, instead, they feature post-modern and liberal features. We found during the research appropriations issues about the main theses of Karl Marx. We seek from the Marxian legacy show the limits of political democracy as the ultimate form of freedom, because it rests on pillars of society ruled by capital. By demonstrating the negative nature of politics, we evidenced by the Marxist bringing in order to overcome the politics and the capital in favor of the human emancipation / Esta dissertação analisa a formação e o desenvolvimento do pensamento político do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) entre os anos de 1987 a 1991. Busca compreender os debates acerca das categorias de democracia e de socialismo e, com isso, a apropriação da noção da democracia como um valor universal, a partir de uma leitura eurocomunista das principais teses e categorias do marxista italiano Antônio Gramsci. Para tanto, analisa discussões acerca de conceitos como: partido de massas, Estado, acumulação de forças, hegemonia, socialismo real e socialismo democrático . Nesse percurso investigativo, nos debruçamos sobre artigos da revista Teoria e Debate e resoluções políticas dos Encontros e Congressos Nacionais, ambos os documentos oficiais do Partido dos Trabalhadores. Procuramos, ainda, apreender o processo histórico de formação teórica do PT levando em conta a sua relação tanto com a esquerda brasileira da qual emerge, quanto com o caráter da esquerda democrática no mundo em geral. De modo que podemos notar que o PT, apesar de se propor como novidade histórica , engendra em si os mesmos problemas que agonizaram a esquerda em sua história, haja vista que ao rejeitar empreender uma análise teórica profunda da realidade, se torna vítima de práticas eleitoreiras e de propostas de melhores formas de administração do capital, sob o discurso de programa de crescimento econômico e distribuição de renda. A queda do Muro de Berlim e a derrocada do socialismo real consolidaram um processo de abandono das teses marxistas e de definição do socialismo democrático , ou seja, a opção pela defesa da via democrática para o socialismo evidencia a passagem da centralidade do trabalho, própria da ontologia marxiana, para a centralidade da política. Nesta mudança, foram abandonadas, em definitivo, referências marxistas que ainda pairavam e, em seu lugar, passaram a figurar elementos pósmodernos e liberais. Encontramos ao longo da pesquisa apropriações problemáticas acerca das principais teses de Karl Marx. Procuramos a partir do legado marxiano evidenciar os limites da democracia política, como a última forma de liberdade, pois se assenta sob pilares da sociedade regida pelo capital. Ao demonstrar a natureza negativa da política, evidenciamos a propositura marxiana pela superação da política e do capital e em favor da emancipação humana

Nas últimas décadas, a literatura sobre política industrial tem enfatizado os determinantes políticos e institucionais para explicar a forma e os resultados dessas políticas. Assumindo essa perspectiva, essa dissertação de mestrado tem por objetivo compreender como a evolução das capacidades estatais impactou o caráter das políticas industriais brasileiras formuladas e executadas nos governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores, a nível Federal, entre 2003 e 2014. Assume-se como foco de análise a dimensão participativa das capacidades estatais, observando espaços de interlocução entre governo, empresários e trabalhadores. Para tanto, toma-se como objeto de estudo o Conselho de Desenvolvimento Econômico e Social da Presidência da República, o Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Industrial e os Conselhos de Competitividade do Plano Brasil Maior. Os resultados apontam que, entre 2003 e 2007, o governo tentou estruturar as capacidades políticas; após esse período, percebe-se uma progressiva perda dessas capacidades. Isso se reflete na política industrial que progressivamente perde direcionamento estratégico, passando a incluir um expressivo número de setores econômicos, usando predominantemente instrumentos tributários para executar a política. / In recent decades, the literature on industrial policy has emphasized the political and institutional determinants to explain the form and the results of those policies. Assuming this framework, this master's thesis aim to understand how the evolution of State Capacities impact the character of Brazilian industrial policy formulated and deployed in the period of Workers‘ Party in the Federal Government, from 2003 to 2014. It is focused on the participatory dimension of State Capacities, analyzing spaces of dialogue between government, business and unions. Therefore, It is studied the Presidential Council of Social and Economic Development, the National Council of Industrial Development and the Competitiveness Councils of "Plano Brasil Maior". The results show that, from 2003 to 2007, the government tried to structure the political capacities; after this period, there is a progressive loss of this capacities. This is reflected in the industrial policy that loses the strategic direction, to include a significant number of economic sectors, using predominantly tax instruments to execute the industrial policy.

The dissertation examines the roots of modernity at the turn of the 20th century through the prism of the relationship between nationalism and internationalism. This seemingly incompatible affiliation between the two ideological archenemies has produced one of the most intriguing paradoxes of modern history. While theoretically attempting to reject nationalism as a transient product of capitalism, Marxism has in practice oftentimes exploited its appeal and utilized its extensive institutional repertoire. The study traces the evolution of Marxism’s conceptualization of the nationality question—a slow shift from an outright rejection of nationalism to an acceptance of its progressive features, complexity, varieties and influences. Interweaving intellectual and cultural studies in history with the political and intellectual history of the European Left, the study offers an intricate narrative of the crossroads of two important ideologies in theory and practice. The dissertation’s comparative and transnational approach reveals several important hitherto superficially explored aspects of Marxism’s difficult dialogue with nationalism. Firstly, it re-evaluates Karl Marx and Friedrich’s views on the nationality question, from its outright denial to limited acceptance and application. Secondly, it re-examines the multitude of Social Democratic responses to nationalism before the Great War. The advent of mass politics and the popularization of Marxist ideas produced a range of diverse socialist responses to the national conundrum throughout Europe. A comparison of Western (French and German), East Central and Eastern European (Austrian, Polish and Russian) and Soviet attitudes highlights some of the startling similarities and differences between the various groups’ ideological constellations. Finally, the dissertation uses the case study of the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski, KPRP) to reveal certain insights about the cumulative heritage of Marxist thought on nationalism. An analysis of the KPRP reveals a lot not only about a national party’s struggles with nationalism (challenging many historiographical questions), but also about the diverse conceptualizations of Marx and Engels’ thought on nationalism, about European Social Democracy’s debates about the phenomenon, and about the Soviet nationality policy (within and outside the Soviet Union).

The dissertation examines the roots of modernity at the turn of the 20th century through the prism of the relationship between nationalism and internationalism. This seemingly incompatible affiliation between the two ideological archenemies has produced one of the most intriguing paradoxes of modern history. While theoretically attempting to reject nationalism as a transient product of capitalism, Marxism has in practice oftentimes exploited its appeal and utilized its extensive institutional repertoire. The study traces the evolution of Marxism’s conceptualization of the nationality question—a slow shift from an outright rejection of nationalism to an acceptance of its progressive features, complexity, varieties and influences. Interweaving intellectual and cultural studies in history with the political and intellectual history of the European Left, the study offers an intricate narrative of the crossroads of two important ideologies in theory and practice. The dissertation’s comparative and transnational approach reveals several important hitherto superficially explored aspects of Marxism’s difficult dialogue with nationalism. Firstly, it re-evaluates Karl Marx and Friedrich’s views on the nationality question, from its outright denial to limited acceptance and application. Secondly, it re-examines the multitude of Social Democratic responses to nationalism before the Great War. The advent of mass politics and the popularization of Marxist ideas produced a range of diverse socialist responses to the national conundrum throughout Europe. A comparison of Western (French and German), East Central and Eastern European (Austrian, Polish and Russian) and Soviet attitudes highlights some of the startling similarities and differences between the various groups’ ideological constellations. Finally, the dissertation uses the case study of the Communist Workers’ Party of Poland (Komunistyczna Partia Robotnicza Polski, KPRP) to reveal certain insights about the cumulative heritage of Marxist thought on nationalism. An analysis of the KPRP reveals a lot not only about a national party’s struggles with nationalism (challenging many historiographical questions), but also about the diverse conceptualizations of Marx and Engels’ thought on nationalism, about European Social Democracy’s debates about the phenomenon, and about the Soviet nationality policy (within and outside the Soviet Union).

Submitted by ALESSANDRO RODRIGUES CHAVES null (ale.r.chaves@hotmail.com) on 2016-05-17T03:32:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 A face neodesenvolvimentista do Estado brasileiro_o falseamento da questão social.pdf: 1268267 bytes, checksum: 55e64c731b559f580f9a9f4b2772867c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-05-17T12:51:20Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 chaves_ar_me_arafcl.pdf: 1268267 bytes, checksum: 55e64c731b559f580f9a9f4b2772867c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-17T12:51:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 chaves_ar_me_arafcl.pdf: 1268267 bytes, checksum: 55e64c731b559f580f9a9f4b2772867c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-24 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / A inclinação política e econômica realizada pelos governos liderados pelo Partido dos Trabalhadores, denominada neodesenvolvimentista é o objeto deste trabalho. O objetivo é identificar os impactos do modelo sobre os trabalhadores. Em caminho oposto ao trilhado pelos defensores do conceito – que insistem em divulgar números de empregos criados, aumento do salário mínimo, políticas sociais e estratégias que visam impulsionar o crescimento econômico –, partimos do entendimento de que o modelo neodesenvolvimentista emerge em um cenário de crise estrutural do capital que tem como consequência o desemprego industrial e a perda da potencialidade civilizadora que caracterizou o capital após a Segunda Guerra em países da Europa ocidental. A ilusão de se resolver a “questão social” que afeta a maior parte da população brasileira a partir da intensificação das relações capitalistas é revelada, neste texto, quando percebemos a predominância dos resultantes da crise estrutural, a permanência de um Estado autocrático e de um projeto político-institucional que visa reduzir as reivindicações dos movimentos populares e dos trabalhadores a políticas públicas e inclusão no mercado por via do consumo. Através desses pressupostos é que podemos sugerir que o neodesenvolvimentismo e sua pretensão social não passam de uma farsa. / The political and economic inclination made by governments led by the Workers Party, called new-developmentalism is the object of this work. The goal is to identify the model of the impacts on workers. In the opposite way to trod by the concept advocates - who insist on disclosing numbers of jobs created, the minimum wage increase, social policies and strategies to boost economic growth - we start from the understanding that the new-developmentalism model emerges in scenario a crisis structural capital that results in the structural unemployment and loss of civilizing potential that characterized the capital after World War II in Western European countries. The illusion of solving the "social issue" that affects most of the population from the intensification of capitalist relations is revealed in this text, when we noticed the predominance of the resulting structural crisis, the permanence of an autocratic state and a political-institutional project that aims to reduce the demands of the popular movements of workers and the public policies and inclusion in the market via consumption. Through these assumptions we can suggest that the new-developmentalism and social pretension are just a scam.