Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 91 p.; also includes graphics (some col.) Includes bibliographical references (p. 88-91). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-12T15:53:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivo707_1.pdf: 1727728 bytes, checksum: 39b51c608563663d2b82917983741dd0 (MD5) license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este é um trabalho de política comparada entre Brasil e Índia. O tema segurança alimentar é explorado como um direito humano. A escolha do tema se deve à sua importância social. A teoria escolhida para nortear a pesquisa foi a Teoria Crítica. O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar especialmente os índices de desenvolvimento humano (IDH) dos estados do Brasil e da Índia a partir da adesão ao Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento (PNUD), ano 2000, até o ano de 2010. Observaremos qual a contribuição de Brasil e Índia em relação à sua atuação no combate à insegurança alimentar, ou seja, como a pobreza e a fome nos dois países podem ser enfrentadas com programas de segurança alimentar. O Programa de combate à fome e à insegurança alimentar brasileiro estudado foi o Fome Zero e o indiano foi o World Food Programme. A partir da atuação de cada Programa buscamos identificar as ações de um deles que poderiam ser úteis ao outro dentro de suas limitações e das necessidades do seu país

In the last 20 years, on-going conflicts in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and neighbouring countries have led to massive displacements. In the province of Nord-Kivu, epicentre of the crisis, there are currently 53 displacement sites that host about 185,000 Internally Displaced People (IDPs). IDPs tend to leave camps as soon as they consider their home villages to be safe. At the same time, camps are also being closed for political motivations, creating large flows of IDPs to unknown areas. The World Food Programme (WFP) and other humanitarian actors need to track returnees and understand their need for assistance. WFP conducts a monthly phone survey in Mugunga III, an IDP camp on the outskirts of Goma, the capital of Nord-Kivu. The main goal of this remote survey is to monitor the food security situation in the camp. However, this paper demonstrates that this innovative tool also proves successful in monitoring the situation of returnees and understanding the dynamics of their returns. This remote monitoring technology is expected to be even more useful when the authorities decide to close the camp. If the results are disseminated, an increase in government accountability should be observed. This research was conducted in collaboration with WFP in an attempt to extend the applications of high frequency survey data. To continue this research, methodological adjustments should be taken before considering applying the tool to another displacement site.

In Sub-Saharan Africa, one of the world’s poorest regions, governments heavily rely upon donor Aid in order to sustain their national budgets and address the exacerbation of poverty. Malawi, one of the poorest countries in the region is no exception and part of the cause of the poverty is donor aid suspension. The United Nation’s World Food Programme (WFP) in Malawi introduced the School Feeding programme in 1999. The intention was to reduce dropout rates, promote regular attendance, increase enrolment, and improve children’s ability to concentrate and learn, and improve government capacity to implement a school meals programme. During the period between 2007 and 2011, the WFP announced the temporary suspension of the programme for half a million children in 10 of the 13 Malawian Districts of which the Chirazdulu district was one. Since the suspension of the programme, no proper study has been conducted to indicate the bearing of the suspension. The purpose of the study was to explore in which ways suspension of Aid provision by the WFP from 2007 to 2011 affected the school meals programme and the socio-economic status of the beneficiaries of the programme in the Chiradzulu district in Malawi. Participants in the study were three teachers at two schools where the programme is offered and four parents from the two schools who were involved in the administration of the programme. A qualitative research approached was used and a case study design was applied at two schools in the Chiradzulu district where the WFP’s school meals programme was implemented. Semi-structure interview schedules that were pre-tested were used during the individual interviews conducted with parents and teachers. The school meals programme is still implemented at the two schools today. The main findings revealed that donor aid suspension affected the continued implementation of the school meals programme and the socio-economic wellbeing of the programme’s beneficiaries. There was a reduction in school attendance by learners, increased absenteeism, evidence of malnourishment amongst learners and increasing pressure on parents to provide breakfast for the learners before they went to school. For the programme to have a sustainable impact it is recommended that its implementation must not be interrupted by aid suspension, the programme must be expanded but remain targeted and not become universal and the Malawi government assume full responsibility of the programme and stop reliance on foreign funding.

糧食援助一直以來是國際關係所面臨的重大議題，對於援助者與受援國之間的互動往往超出糧食援助真正的人道關懷目標，雖然糧食產量足以供給全球人口需求，但世界上仍有許多飢荒地區民獲取不到糧食或是長期營養攝取不足，糧食無法平均分配給每一個人至今仍是糧食援助所面臨的難題之一。此外，因國內政局動盪所導致的人為飢荒，更是讓糧食援助雪上加霜。 　　本研究試著從糧食援助的歷史脈絡出發，從早期為解決糧食產量過剩的問題，糧食援助成為剩餘糧食處理的手段，經過聯合國與許多非政府組織的努力下，至今糧食援助已是人道主義共識下的產物。在糧食援助主體方面，糧食援助也從早期雙邊國家的互惠關係，逐步演變成多邊參與，援助主體也不僅限於國家，許多國際組織與非政府組織對於糧食援助更是不遺餘力。糧食援助的客體也從飢荒地區的短期糧食供給，轉變為解決長期糧食營養不足的問題，甚至在持續危機之下，成為改善災區民眾生活的方式之一。 　　文獻上已有學者針對飢荒的成因不同作出分類，透過該些分類檢視飢荒嚴重地區的國家，歸納出飢荒嚴重地區的國家大多是由於人為因素所刻意形成的外示飢荒。在案例研究上，透過聯合國糧食計畫署在索馬利亞的援助計畫，觀察如何在持續危機之下進行糧食援助。索馬利亞先天的地理條件造成乾旱引發糧食產量不足，固然是導致飢荒的因素之一。然而長年下來政局的動盪不安，政府更迭頻繁，拒絕國際糧食援助等人為飢荒，才是造成該國民眾長期食物匱乏，營養不足的主因。因此如何在持續危機之下進行糧食援助，有效改善飢荒地區民眾的生活才是國際社會共同努力的目標。本研究也希冀藉由案例研究的方式對糧食援助能有更深一層的認識。

Humanitarian accountability has been a topic of discussion since the 1990s, in response to a number of high-level scandals. Dozens of initiatives highlighting the importance of accountability to affected populations have been established. However, humanitarian organisations still receive criticisms for lacking accountability. This thesis examines the research question: How does the World Food Programme use international standards to guide accountability in its humanitarian interventions in Iraq, and how these standards fulfil its commitments to the affected populations? This is done through an in-depth case study of the WFP, in the context of Iraq. The academic literature highlights the concept of humanitarian accountability as both a practical concern as well as a moral one. This is emphasised within the literature of humanitarian organisations together with how accountability, as a concept, have been poorly defined, and research as to its practice is continuously lacking. This research found that the accountability provided was mainly technical and accountability to affected populations in Iraq remain low. Accountability practices that are currently in place does not live up to the commitment made by the WFP to affected populations in Iraq. Further, the research pinpoints how accountability within the WFP has become more of a technical standard in practice, which has resulted in limited scope of accountability to affected populations in Iraq. This results in phantom accountability, characterised by meaningless mechanisms and indicators that instead portray an image of accountability while not translating into actual practical actions towards affected populations.

No description available.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this thesis has been to analyse which similarities exist in combatants’ control over food supply lines to non-combatants in African civil conflict and evaluate whether these similarities are sufficient to permit generalisations about the use of food as a weapon in African civil conflict. The nature of this study is both descriptive and explanatory. The case studies of Darfur and Somalia form the descriptive part of this study. This thesis is also explanatory in that it aims to make a first attempt at theory building where such theory did not exist before. I try to explain if, how and why combatants intentionally use food as a means of power in civil conflict. Is the control over food a deliberate and rational choice by combatants or are situations of food scarcity and even hunger or famines simply a consequence of war? The case studies of Darfur and Somalia provide many similarities concerning the impact of conflict on livelihoods and food security. Famine is more an issue of limited access rather than availability. The use of food as a weapon displays a number of important similarities. Attacks on food security can be divided into acts of omission, commission and provision. In Darfur, combatants exercise a greater level of control over food supply lines than in Somalia. Finally, I argue that famine in African civil conflict is highly functional and has a distinct political-economic character. The creation of famine is often deliberate, with a hidden political agenda. In both Darfur and Somalia, attacks on food security serve a political, economic and military rationale. The political logic of attacks on food security was most important in Darfur, although here the signs of a sustainable war economy become apparent. In contrast, in Somalia, food production and procurement are attacked without the intent to destroy the livelihoods of specific societal groups, with the exception of the politically and economically marginalised groups in the south-central part of the country. The political logic is very superficial in Somalia. The level of deliberateness and organisation of attacks on food security, and hence the importance of the political logic, seem to tie in with the level of organisation of the central government, as well as with the presence or absence of a powerful ideology that clearly divides certain sections of the population from others. I recommend that further research be undertaken to analyse if theory on resources and conflict applies to attacks on food. Furthermore, additional research is needed on how to mitigate the negative effects of Food Aid. Finally, it is valuable to investigate to what extent effective government control and/or the presence of a binding ideology affect the importance of the political logic behind the attacks on food security. To this point, this research should be extended to include more case studies, with a specific focus on the factors of governmental control, ideology and political logic. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis was om die ooreenkomste oor die beheer wat gewapendes oor die voedselvoorsieningslyne vir ongewapendes in Afrika se siviele konflikte te ondersoek, en om te evalueer of hierdie ooreenkomste genoegsaam is om veralgemenings te maak oor die gebruik van voedsel as ‘n wapen in hierdie konflik. Die omvang van hierdie studie is beide beskrywend en verduidelikend. Die gevallestudies van Darfur en Somalia vorm die beskrywende deel van hierdie studie. Hierdie thesis is ook verduidelikend in die sin dat dit poog om ‘n eerste probeerslag te skep vir die bou van teorie waar dit voorheen nog nie bestaan het nie. Hierdie studie poog om te verduidelik as, hoe en wanneer gewapendes voedselvoorrade intentioneel gebruik as ‘n bron van mag in siviele konflikte. Is die beheer oor voedsel deurdagte en rationele keuse deur gewapendes, of is situasies van voedseltekorte of selfs hongersnood eenvoudig ‘n gevolg van oorlogvoering? Die gevallestudies van Darfur en Somalia bied vele ooreenkomste rakende die impak van konflik op oorlewingsmeganismes en voedselsekuriteit. Hongersnood is meer ‘n geval van beperkte toegang, eerder as beskikbaarheid. Gebruik van voedsel as wapen het ‘n aantal belangrike ooreenkomste opgelewer. Aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit kan opgedeel word in dade van weerhoud, kommissie en provisie. In Darfur het gewapendes ‘n groter vlak van beheer oor die lyne van voedselverskaffing as in Somalia. Uiteindelik is dit die argument van hierdie tesis dat hongersnood in siviele konflik in Afrika grootliks funksioneel is en duidelike polities/ekonomies van aard is. Hierdie oorsaak van hongersnood is telkemale opsetlik met ‘n gepaardgaande verskuilde politiese agenda. In beide Darfur en Somalia het aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit ‘n politiese, ekonomiese en militêre rationale. Die politieke aard van aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit was besonder opmerksaam in Darfur, alhoewel tekens van ‘n onderhoudbare oorlogsekonomie duidelik begin word het. In teenstelling is voedselproduksie en versekering in Somalia onder aanval sonder die bedoeling om die lewenswyse van sekere sosiale groepe te vernietig of van stryk te bring, met die uitsondering van die politiese en ekonomies gemarginaliseerde groepe in die suid-centrale deel van die land. Die politieke logika is baie oppervlakkig in die geval van Somalia. Die vlak van beplanning rakende aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit, en gepaardgaande die belang van die politieke redenasies, blyk samehorig te wees met die vlak van organisasie van die sentrale regering, asook die teenwoordigheid of afwesigheid van ‘n sterk ideologie wat sekere dele van die populasie duidelik onderskei van andere. Ek beveel aan dat verdere navorsing onderneem word om te analiseer of gepaste teorie op hulpmiddele en konflik relevant geag kan word in verband met voedselaanvalle. Verder word addisionele navorsing benodig ingevolge die beperking en kontrolering van die newe effekte van Food Aid. Uiteindelik is dit van pas en belangrik om die omvang van effektiewe regeringsbeheer en/of die teenwoordigheid van ‘n oorkoepelende en bindende ideologie aangaande die effek daarvan op die politieke beredenerings agter die aanvalle op voedselsekuriteit te bestudeer. In hierdie opsig behoort hierdie navorsing uitgebrei te word om meer gevallestudies in te sluit met ‘n spesifieke fokus op die individuele faktore van regeringsbeheer, ideologie en politieke redenasie.

Thesis (MA (Public and Development Management))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / Chronic food insecurity continues to be a major problem for rural poor households in Lesotho. This condition is caused by a number of factors including poverty, landlessness, and extreme land degradation, reduced remittances due to retrenchments from South African mines, closures of some of textile industries, the effects of HIV/AIDS and a significant decline in farming practices due to erratic weather patterns and conditions. All these factors have led to an increase in vulnerability levels. This is magnified by the rapid erosion of traditional coping mechanisms, a situation that has consequently left communities unable to respond to any form of disaster. The primary aim of this research was to investigate the community vulnerability to food insecurity in the Southern Lowlands and review the World Food Programme (WFP) food aid programme in the same area. The research addressed the questions such as the causes of food insecurity in the Southern Lowlands; and social protection initiatives that are being implemented by WFP to address food insecurity. The research revealed that WFP has been distributing food aid to the vulnerable households in the Southern Lowlands since 2002. These households belong to categories such as households hosting orphans and vulnerable children, chronically ill persons and physically disabled persons; female-headed households; elderly-headed households; child-headed households; and expectant and nursing mothers. In addition to these categories, WFP implemented food for work activities in which vulnerable households with able-bodied persons worked in to receive food aid. The research found evidence of chronic livelihood failure in the Southern Lowlands. This failure renders it increasingly difficult for households vulnerable to food insecurity to develop and maintain sustainable livelihoods. In particular, the research revealed that, a large proportion of households (53%) are at risk of food insecurity in the Southern Lowlands; the majority of vulnerable households did not hold any cereal stocks remaining from the immediate post harvest period; chronic illness, unemployment and erratic weather patterns are causes of food insecurity in the Southern Lowlands. As means of coping strategies, most households adopt various strategies such as switching expenditure patterns; reducing number of meals per day; kingship support; selling of livestock; and searching for casual labour opportunities. Food aid has improved the livelihoods and quality of life of the beneficiaries especially the chronically ill people. While some food for work activities such as building of toilets and water taps have been very helpful, others such as tree planting were not embraced by some of the beneficiaries and finally food aid promotes dependency among its beneficiaries and nursing mothers intentionally starve their children in order to stay in the programme. The two significant challenges in the distribution of food aid were found to be food pipeline break and the beneficiary selection criteria. The findings therefore generate the conclusion that although there seems to be an improvement in food access by households benefiting from the food aid programme, there is no evidence that those households will continue to access food in the absence of food aid. In essence, the absence of social food security foundation, executed in tandem with food aid interventionist measures, does not realistically augur well for the future. This conclusion comes from the finding that food for work activities which are more likely to generate income for the vulnerable households are not sustainable because the discussions further revealed that these activities have been imposed on the beneficiaries, without the coownership corollary that partners the communities with food aid agencies such as WFP. It is therefore recommended that development agents should not determine the developmental projects/programmes within the communities. The process should be interactive and should not be done in isolation but in mutual social learning and capacity building process as both parties (development agents and the beneficiaries) learn from each other and manage to develop a reciprocal relationship and partnership that will eventually reap sustainable outcome. It is therefore concluded that, the food aid programmes failed to offer sustainable social safety nets to the beneficiaries. The research hypothesis that there is no clear exit strategy in the implementation of the food security interventions and that there are no sustainability and continuity measures that were put into place by WFP remains valid.

本論文主要分為三個部分，旨以聯合國(United Nations)與中華民國合作開發海埔新生地為例，分析援外機構與中華民國的互動關係，探討雙方在技術合作上的外交斡旋與成效。 第一部分「聯合國與國際合作」，從國際合作的源流角度切入，介紹聯合國成立前後如何吸納國際合作的概念，規劃各時期的合作發展政策；並且著重在冷戰框架下，分析親美國家為了拉攏新興國家，鞏固聯合國票源，如何在1950、60年代推動聯合國援外機構的成立；以及制定各項扶貧政策。第二部分「聯合國協助臺灣開發海埔新生地」，將技術合作層面轉以臺灣開發海埔地為例，首先介紹新生地的成因，敘述中華民國建設海埔新生地的背景因素。接著探討技協機構與中華民國的技術合作，論述來自聯合國的外籍專家與國內技術人員的合作情形，並以聯合國特別基金(United Nations Special Fund)的技術協助與世界糧食方案(World Food Programme)的食糧援助為主要論點。第三部分「國際合作的成效與檢討」，討論聯合國特別基金與世糧方案的開發計畫結束後，各區新生地移交給中華民國政府的維護情形。主要包含中華民國如何回應聯合國提出的建議，國內專家學者對此次合作的評價，以及中華民國政府如何藉由國際合作的名義，發展與周邊國家的關係，突破外交逆境等。 當今的中華民國不時嘗試如何突破外交困境、推動重返聯合國。除了政治性的議題外，我們還應瞭解國際組織存在的意義，是在推動國際合作。1950、1960年代的中華民國，曾與聯合國進行深入的國際合作，也促成了臺灣的發展。因此，本研究由國際合作的觀察入手，俾能為戰後我國國際關係之研究略盡綿薄之力。