Orientador: Shiguenoli Miyamoto / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-20T06:35:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cardozo_SandraAparecida_D.pdf: 1886884 bytes, checksum: c3002679902720555baacb3bc3f9709a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Este trabalho analisa como a interação entre Brasil e Índia nos anos 2000 tem relação com as trajetórias autonomistas dos dois países. Apoiado no construtivismo para execução do desenvolvimento do estudo, as políticas internacionais de cada um dos países são apresentadas, inicialmente, no decorrer de um longo período, incluindo o da Guerra Fria, onde se percebem os princípios, ideias e identidades autonomistas e críticas à estruturação do poder mundial. Na mesma perspectiva, a análise caminha para a exposição de posturas e atuações de Brasil e Índia, no mundo pós-Guerra Fria, e demonstra perante as mudanças das políticas internacionais de cada um, a preservação de posturas autonomistas, a defesa do multilateralismo e a participação dos países em desenvolvimento nas instâncias decisórias internacionais. Por fim, são expostas as principais formas de interações entre Brasil e Índia e suas posturas concertadas sobre grandes temas da agenda internacional. Argumenta-se que a aproximação entre Índia e Brasil, nos últimos anos, advém do conhecimento que cada país tem um do outro, da defesa de valores dos países em desenvolvimento, ou seja, a convergência de identidades que alavancam novas idéias e interesses. Estes elementos, então, contribuem para a reconfiguração da identidade sul no mundo pós-Guerra Fria / Abstract: This paper analyzes how the interaction between Brazil and India in the 2000s is related to the autonomous trajectories of the two countries. Based on the constructivism as to execute the development of the study, the international policies of each country are presented, initially, over a long period, including the Cold War, in which we can meet the principles, ideas, autonomous identities and some critics to the structuring of world power. Under the same perspective, the analysis moves to the exposure of Brazil and India postures and performances in the post-Cold War context and it demonstrates before the changes of the international policy of each one the preservation of autonomy postures, the defense of multilateralism and the developing countries participation in international decision-makers. Finally, it exposes the main forms of interactions between India and Brazil and their postures, arranged within major topics of the international agenda. It is argued that the nearness of India and Brazil in recent years comes from the knowledge each country has from one another, from the defense of values in developing countries, i.e. the convergence of identities that leverage new ideas and interests. These elements then contribute to the reconfiguration of southern identity in the post-Cold War era / Doutorado / Ciencia Politica / Doutor em Ciência Política

M.Litt et Phil. / In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat In die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek is daar state wat, veral in die Weste, as verstotelinge gebrandmerk word. Dit is state soos Irak, Iran, Libie en Noord-Korea. Dit is geen nuwe verskynsel in die internasionale politiek dat sommige state deur ander verstoot of geIsoleer word nie. Bolsjewistiese Rusland is 'n goeie voorbeeld van 'n staat wat voor die Koue Oorlog geIsoleer is. Rhodesia (ne sy eensydige onafhanklikheidsverklaring in November 1965), Suid-Afrika (tydens apartheid), Israel, Taiwan en Chili is maar 'n paar voorbeelde uit die Koue Oorlogera. GeIsoleerde state is egter nog nie dikwels bestudeer nie. Studies wat wel daaroor gedoen is, het op die sogenaamde paria- state van die Koue Oorlog gefokus. In hierdie studie sal die klem op die verstotelingstate van die post-Koue Oorlogse internasionale politiek geplaas word. In Oktober 1995 het die Verenigde Nasies (VN) sy vyftigste bestaansjaar gevier. President Bill Clinton het 'n onthaal in New York gehou om die geleentheid to herdenk en het at die VN-lidstate, behalwe agt, uitgenooi. Die wat nie uitgenooi was nie, was Birma, Kuba, Iran, Irak, Libie, Noord-Korea, Soedan en Somalie. Somalie is nie uitgenooi nie omdat by nie 'n regering gehad het nie. Die ander sewe word deur Washington as verstotelingstate beskou. Twee interessante weglatings van die "swartlys" was Nigerie en die Federale Republiek van Joego-Slawie, wat normaalweg ook deur die Verenigde State van Amerika (VSA) as verstotelinge beskou word (Geldenhuys, 1997:15). Vir die doel van hierdie studie word hierdie nege beskou as die post-Koue Oorlogse verstotelingstate. Die meeste van hulle word nie slegs deur die VSA as verstotelinge behandel nie, maar deur verskeie ander state, en in sommige gevalle selfs deur die internasionale gemeenskap in die bree.

Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre / Banca: Priscila Carlos Brandão Antunes / O Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais é instituído em parceria com a Unesp/Unicamp/PUC-SP, em projeto subsidiado pela CAPES, intitulado "Programa San Tiago Dantas" / Resumo: O período que compreende o regime militar brasileiro foi marcado pela apropriação e aplicação de uma nova concepção estratégica de segurança baseada na Doutrina de Segurança Nacional (DSN). Os conceitos de "fronteira ideológica", "inimigo interno" e a própria flexibilização do termo "comunismo" conduziram os governos autoritários do Brasil e do Cone Sul a um alinhamento ideológico e à cooperação na área de segurança que se materializaram, entre outras formas, na constituição de uma comunidade de informações. No Brasil, as atividades de busca, coleta e produção de informações em âmbito interno estiveram sob o controle do Serviço Nacional de Informações (SNI) e, externamente, a cargo do Centro de Informações do Exterior (CIEx), o qual teve significativa importância na consolidação e difusão da perspectiva anticomunista no continente sul-americano. Sua existência e seu vínculo com o Ministério das Relações Exteriores suscitam questionamentos sobre a participação deste em atividades realizadas durante o regime autoritário, ainda que sempre tenha buscado manter uma imagem de neutralidade quanto às questões de política interna, e indica um possível envolvimento diplomático na Operação Condor. As informações reveladas pelos documentos oficiais recém-abertos e as raras e divergentes opiniões de pesquisadores sobre a participação do Itamaraty no regime militar são fontes de análise desta pesquisa, cujo objetivo é compreender o funcionamento do CIEx durante o regime militar brasileiro,... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The appropriation and application of a new strategic concept of security based on the National Security Doctrine (NDS) have marked the Brazilian military regime's period. The concepts of "ideological borders", "internal enemy" and the flexibility given to the term "communism" led the Brazil and Southern Cone's authoritarian governments to an ideological alignment and cooperation in the area of security, which has turned into a Constitution of a community of information. In Brazil, the National Information Service (NIS) was in the control of collecting the activities reports collection and producing of information in the internal scope, whereas the External Information Center (EIC) played an important role in the consolidation and dissemination of anti-Communist perspective on the South American continent. Its existence and its link with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) raise questions about the participation of this Ministry in activities held during the authoritarian regime, although it has always sought to maintain an image of neutrality on the issues of domestic politics, and indicate a possible diplomatic involvement in Operation Condor. The information revealed by the newly opened official documents and the rare and divergent opinions of researchers on the participation of the MFA in the military regime are sources of analysis of this research, whose goal is to understand the functioning of EIC during the Brazilian military regime, take into consideration three forms of action that it has taken over its existence. This analysis compares the dynamics of development of the national intelligence system in major world powers and the Southern Cone countries', especially Brazil, where the creation of a mechanism like EIC reflected the "reexternalization" of ideological conflict. / Mestre

Orientador: Eduardo Barros Mariutti / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T02:24:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Conti_ThomasVictor_M.pdf: 3220011 bytes, checksum: b64df3664aed31cb23272e914111f445 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: O tema desta pesquisa é uma análise mais profunda das conexões entre as estruturas econômicas da organização produtiva e suas contrapartidas no jogo político dos Estados modernos tal como se processaram no Longo Século XIX, com o objetivo de avançar na compreensão do fenômeno do imperialismo moderno. Partimos da discussão sobre os fundamentos da Hegemonia Britânica, argumentando como desde o seu início ela era baseada em sua preponderância no comércio internacional, o que atrelou seu posterior desenvolvimento econômico industrial às questões do setor de serviços, dos transportes e do poder naval. Contudo, ao dar vazão ao investimento ferroviário, a industrialização possibilitou a expansão por terra do espaço econômico a partir do qual novas indústrias poderiam surgir. Países como os Estados Unidos e a Alemanha tomariam as conexões ferroviárias como ponto de partida para articular economias nacionais em escalas maiores de produção, distribuição, capacidades organizacionais e científicas. Essa é a base econômica sobre a qual uma nova rivalidade política, fundada na simbiose entre o capital nacional e o Estado e crescentemente apoiada no nacionalismo, passaria a se expandir no final do século conforme inovações militares diminuíam as possibilidades de resistência. A concorrência entre capitais nacionais colocou em marcha um expansionismo político que dividiu o mundo em áreas de influência crescentemente hostis que, ao assumir uma forma bipolar, resultou na Grande Guerra / Abstract: The theme of this research is a deeper analysis of the connections between economic structures of productive organization and its counterparts in the political game of modern states as they developed in the Long Nineteenth Century, with the goal of advancing in the understanding of modern imperialism. Our discussion begins with the bases of Great-Britain Hegemony, where we argue how since its beginning it was based on its primacy in international commerce, which embedded its later economic-industrial development to the questions of the service sector, transportation and maritime power. However, by harnessing the railway investment, industrialization allowed a landed expansion of the economic space where new industries could emerge. Countries like the United States and Germany would take railways as a starting point to articulate national economies in larger scales of production, distribution and organization. There lies the economic root upon which a new political rivalry, based on the symbiosis between national capital and the state and supported by nationalism, would begin to expand by the end of the century as new military innovations diminished resistance possibilities. Competition between national capitals put forth a political expansionism that divided the world in areas of influence growingly hostile that, once in a bipolar form, resulted in the Great War / Mestrado / Historia Economica / Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico

This dissertation offers a new interpretation of the middle decades of nineteenth-century Egypt, which were decisive in forming Egyptian modernity. This period is usually understood as merely the precursor to the direct colonial rule that followed. Instead, this dissertation argues that the reigns of Sa‘īd (1854-1863) and Ismā‘īl (1863-1879) were defined by Egypt’s unique legal status. During this period, Egypt was neither a sovereign state, nor directly ruled by the Ottoman Empire, nor annexable to any other empire. This peculiar legal status led to the emergence of Egypt as an object of “the universal.” This term is taken from the unusual name of the “Universal Company” that was created to build and operate the Suez Canal. The term denoted a new commercial domain, external to Europe and shaped by, yet equidistant from, the continent’s competing empires.The attempts to develop European capital outside the existing empires necessitated the construction of a new legal and political order. Taking the construction of the Canal as a vantage point through which to explore the consolidation of this new order, the dissertation focuses on three aspects. First, I show how both Ottoman-Islamic and European precedents contributed to the formation of the universal. I outline social and legal changes, spanning the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, that allowed the extension of the European company-form to the Ottoman world in the nineteenth century; trace the rise of Egypt as a pivotal link of imperial communications in the first half of the nineteenth century; and investigate the implications of the political tensions between the Ottoman Sultan and his viceroy in Egypt in the 1830s. Second, I explore the consolidation of the universal legal domain in Egypt. I argue that the inter-imperial dispute over the construction of the Suez Canal led to the emergence of the company as the object of the universal, and that, in the following decades, the company’s directors catalyzed the entrenchment of a “universal” commercial domain in Egypt in the period between 1868 and 1876. Finally, I explore the implications of the universality of Egypt on the rise of modern government. I focus on the legal transformations, including the formation of the Mixed Courts, that foreshadowed the establishment of modern courts; changes in the command of labor that gave rise to Egyptianness as a collective identity; and the indebtedness of the government that precipitated the emergence of an independent (non-Ottoman) state apparatus with compromised sovereignty.

With the success of a leftist revolution in Nicaragua and a civil war against a strong revolutionary movement in El Salvador, Central America has become one of the flash points of world politics. The two revolutionary movements, which adhere to similar ideologies, emerged in countries with similar historical roots and similar socio-economic background. This thesis analyzes the question why the Nicaraguan revolution was successful after one and a half years of general insurrection, whereas the Salvadorean revolutionary movement has failed so far in gaining power. The author looks at four major factors which seem crucial for revolutionary success: Breadth of the Revolutionary Coalition, Military Strength and Strategies, Role of the Church, and External Influences. The comparative analysis shows that three of these four factors favor the Nicaraguan revolutionaries. In contrast to El Salvador, the Nicaraguan revolutionary coalition included all major classes, not only the lower classes and parts of the middle class. When compared to the government forces, the Nicaraguan guerrillas were stronger than the Salvadorean. Furthermore, the counterstrategy of the Nicaraguan government was not as systematic and sophisticated as in El Salvador. In contrast to Somoza, the Salvadorean government has gotten strong U.S. support and the Salvadorean movement does not get the same support from other states that the Nicaraguan revolutionary movement received. Only the role of the Church is in favor of the Salvadorean revolutionaries. The Salvadorean Church was more active in promoting Liberation Theology and thereby helped to make the people conscious about the social injustices prevailing in the country and to organize the lower classes. / Master of Arts

In the first essay of this dissertation, I argue that much of the observed variation in national climate change mitigation levels can be explained by a combination of national interests and the strategic constraints of the collective action problem. Specifically, the interactions between state costs and benefits and state size, a proxy for invulnerability to free-riding, strongly predict observed variation in national yearly emissions. I derive this hypothesis and connect it to extant literature with a theoretical framework that interrelates state climate change mitigation interests, preferences, behaviors, and outcomes. I test the hypothesis by predicting the difference between real emissions changes and a novel estimate for counterfactual emissions changes. The theoretical framework and the counterfactual estimation methodology developed in this paper will facilitate future work on climate mitigation politics, from both international and domestic politics approaches. In the second essay, I analyze the design of major climate change mitigation treaties, and outline how reliance on collective reciprocity undermines their ability to enforce participation and compliance. Collective reciprocity is limited in its ability to induce high cost actions among large numbers of states. I demonstrate this challenge with an empirical approach that first estimates treaty participation and then estimates compliance by comparing signatory emissions to a synthetic control that weights for both treatment propensity and pre-treatment trends. I find no evidence of success in climate treaties thus far, underlining the tensions in collective reciprocity designs and indicating the need for an alternative approach. In the third essay, I develop a novel institutional theory of long-term environmental good provision, particularly forest conservation. Long-term goods, or those for which payoffs are delayed or spread over time, are more likely to be provided by states with long-term institutions, or those with low discount rates and inter-temporal commitment mechanisms. Leveraging recent institutional theories, I argue that party institutionalization lengthens institutional time horizons while constraints on the executive allows inter-temporal commitment. Both features therefore predict long-term environmental good provision. Environmental goods are frequently long term because feedback from ecological systems creates tipping points or vicious cycles, meaning that current actions may be costless today but contribute to significant damage in future periods. Understanding the implications of the inter-temporal nature of many environmental goods is especially important because a large share of environmental goods, such as forest conservation, are not explained by traditional approaches which focus on public goods models for symmetric and non-excludable goods. I test my theory with cross-national time-series data on forest coverage, demonstrating that forest protection is not predicted by public goods theory but is well predicted by long-term institutions.

It presents a profound paradox that the end of formal apartheid in South Africa and the political ascendancy of Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress have also signalled the disintegration of people’s power and the marginalisation of a once formidable anti-capitalist Left. Those who refused to be defeated and insisted that a better world was still possible asked anew, What is to be done? Their answer was to build a new Independent Left, using the Non-Governmental Organisation as their primary tool. This dissertation examines two leftist NGOs with distinct political approaches to organising, which have shaped formal anti-capitalist strategies in Cape Town over the past decade. The Alternative Information and Development Centre (AIDC), an activist space, policy think-tank, and alternative media centre, has aimed to restore the politics of the united front by bringing together employed and unemployed workers to lead a new eco-socialist Left alternative. Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU), an activist research and legal centre focusing on housing in the inner city, has fostered an inspiring movement of building occupiers and aimed to deconstruct the legacy of the apartheid city. Through a militant commitment to this wider Independent Left community, I have accompanied these organisations in their efforts, seeking to understand the role they can play in improving society. This dissertation investigates the central question of how to effectively utilize NGOs in the struggle for freedom and equality within the context of neoliberal capitalism. It has become clear that intellectual genealogies and ideological fortitude have laid the political foundation of these projects. Combined with the NGO’s formal and hierarchical structure, key themes that define the practices of these organisations have emerged. Matters of dependency and control, as well as organising and leadership, have been crucial features of these projects. This has engendered tensions within the organisations between technocratic and intellectual modes of rule, as well as resistance to these governing structures. Taken together, this analysis provides a window into the possibilities and limitations that these organisational tools offer for radically reimagining our world.

This dissertation is a cross-national, empirical study of human rights conditions in a dynamic international political economy. The scope of the examination covers 176 developed and developing countries from 1980 through 1993. Through evaluating the numerous theoretical aspects of human rights conceptualization, I draw upon Shue's framework and consider whether there are indeed "basic rights" and which rights should fit into this category. Further, I address the debate between those who claim that these rights are truly universal (applying to all nations and individuals) and those who argue that the validity of a moral right is relative to indigenous cultures. In a similar vein, I empirically investigate whether various human rights are interdependent and indivisible, as some scholars argue, or whether there are inherent trade-offs between various rights provisions. In going beyond the fixation on a single aspect of human rights, I broadly investigate subsistence rights, security rights and political and economic freedom. While these have previously been addressed separately, there are virtually no studies that consider them together and the subsequent linkages between them. Ultimately, a pooled time-series cross-section model is developed that moves beyond the traditional concentration on security rights (also know as integrity of the person rights) and focuses on the more controversial subsistence rights (also known as basic human needs). By addressing both subsistence and security rights, I consider whether certain aspects of the changing international political economy affect these two groups of rights in different ways. A further delineation is made between OECD and non-OECD countries. The primary international focus is on the effects of global integration and the end of the Cold War. Domestic explanations that are connected with globalization include economic freedom, income inequality and democratization. These variables are subjected to bivariate and multivariate hypothesis testing including bivariate correlations, analysis of variance, and multiple OLS regression with robust standard errors.

Dans la cadre de la Guerre Froide, comment la Chine – un Parti-État au bloc socialiste – s’entend-elle avec la France – un pays du camp capitaliste ? Et quels rôles jouent le PCF et les Maoïstes français ? Cette thèse présente les éléments idéologiques et réalistes dans les relations sino-français depuis 1949 à 1969. Au début, les deux pays s’opposent à cause des guerres d'Indochine et Corée. Les échanges politiques et économiques officiels sont rompus. Le PCF devient le pont principal qui relie deux pays par ses entreprises ou associations comme l’Association des Amitiés franco-chinoises.Après la Conférence de Genève, la relation bilatérale s’améliore et certains canaux de communication sont créés. Mais la détente est limitée en raison des États-Unis et du problème de Taïwan. Dans cette période, le PCF et ses organisations de masses aussi jouent des rôles importants dans la relations sino-françaises. Et les chinois apprécient les informations et suggestions proposées par le PCF. Mais le gouvernement français est vigilant sur les activités avec des éléments idéologiques ou politiques.La troisième partie marque l'établissement des relations diplomatiques. Mais Charles de Gaulle reprend le pouvoir et ne choisit pas de reconnaitre la Chine immédiatement. Et la Chine adopte une attitude indifférente envers de Gaulle en raison des problèmes idéologiques. Cependant, les conflits sino-soviétiques et les affaires indochinoises la poussent à changer ses attitudes en 1961-1962. A la suite de la détérioration des relations avec le PCF et de la résolution des problèmes algériens, les rôles idéologiques qui empêchent la rétablissement des relations sino-français s’affaiblit.Bien que les relations sino-françaises se développent très vite, les difficultés restent. La Révolution culturelle et Mai 68 exercent un impact négatif. Conclusion, comment arranger buts réalistes et ambitions idéalistes dans les politiques étrangères, c’est une question importante pour les deux pays. / In the context of the Cold War, how PRC, a party-state in the socialist bloc, got along with France, a nation in the capitalist bloc? And what roles the PCF and French Maoists played between two countries? This thesis presents the ideological and realistic elements in Sino-French relations from 1949 to 1969.At first, these two countries were opposed in the Indochinese War and the Korea War. The official exchanges were broken. The PCF became the main bridge linking the two countries by its enterprises or associations, like the Association of Franco-Chinese Friendship.After the Geneva Conference, the bilateral relationship improved and some communication channels were created. But the American foreign policies and the Taiwan issue were still barriers. In this period, the PCF and its mass organizations also played important roles in the Sino-French relations. And the Chinese government appreciated the information and suggestions provided by the PCF. But the French government was alert to the ideological or political elements in the activities.In 1958, Charles de Gaulle returned to power, but he did not choose to recognize China immediately. And China adopted an indifferent attitude towards his government because of the ideological problems. Following the deterioration of relations between the PCF and the PCC and the resolution of the Algerian problems, the ideological roles that prevented the restoration of Sino-French relations were weakening.Although the bilateral relationships developed quickly after the establishment of Sino-French relations, the difficulties still remained. The Cultural Revolution and May 68 had a negative impact on their relations. Until the autumn 1968, the attitudes of the Chinese leadership toward France returned to normal.To sum up, the ideological elements in Sino-French relationship always exist. But realistic interests became more and more important and encouraged the two countries to improve their relations. A peaceful coexistence is a consensus for both China and France.