No description available.

The purpose of this study was to expand current literature regarding police officers’ perceptions on false accusations of sexual assault; specifically, focusing on perceptions of the frequency of false accusations, rape myths and behavior displayed by women reporting sexual assault. Police officers’ perceptions on false accusations of sexual assault were examined by administering a 21-question survey consisting of close-ended and open-ended questions. The survey included questions about police perceptions, false accusations, rape myths, training, and behaviors of women reporting sexual assault. The sample consisted of 40 sworn law enforcement officers from different municipal police departments in Tennessee. The results showed that, despite empirical evidence, police officers were more likely to perceive high rates of false accusations of sexual assault, as well as endorse certain rape myths. Findings also showed a number of police officers perceived different behaviors of women making a false report than those not making a false report.

Entre 1884 et 1890, le prêtre Charles Guay a été en charge de la mission de Ristigouche en Gaspésie. Alors rattachée au diocèse de Rimouski, Ristigouche compte à l’époque environ 600 habitants, en majorité Micmacs, étant donné que la mission englobe la réserve du même nom, crée en 1870. La nomination de Charles Guay à Ristigouche suscite le questionnement, car ce genre de milieu est en général attribué à des prêtres en début de carrière, sans, ou avec peu d’expérience. Lorsque Guay s’amène à Ristigouche, il est pratiquement au sommet d’une brillante carrière. Le personnage ne laisse pas indifférent, le titre de Protonotaire Apostolique qu’il a reçu à Rome, ainsi que sa grande amitié avec Jean Langevin, premier évêque de Rimouski, suscitent parfois la jalousie dans le milieu clérical. Pour ces raisons, Guay va à diverses occasions devenir la cible de rumeurs, de propos calomnieux et d’accusations diverses. Les querelles qui surviennent entre Guay et certains collègues permettent au lecteur qui s’intéresse à sa correspondance de constater qu’il était déterminé, habile à riposter et qu’il avait un impressionnant réseau de contacts, qu’il savait utiliser pour se défendre. Durant son mandat à Ristigouche, l’administration de Charles Guay est remise en doute par le Département des Affaires Indiennes, qui ouvre une enquête sur lui. Il faut savoir que Guay remplit alors aussi le rôle d’Agent des « Sauvages » dans la mission (terme courant employé dans la correspondance de l’époque). Ainsi, il est en charge de distribuer et utiliser adéquatement les sommes et les biens envoyés à Ristigouche par Ottawa. L’investigation qui s’ouvre contre lui se solde par la conclusion qu’il y a eu mauvaise gestion et, même, détournement de fonds de la part du missionnaire. Le premier réflexe de l’évêque est de garder son missionnaire en poste. Cependant, à partir de ce moment, la relation entre les deux collègues et amis commence à s’envenimer, en particulier en raison de reproches et des demandes de justifications qui deviennent récurrentes de la part de Jean Langevin à Charles Guay. De plus, diverses accusations venant de Ristigouche contre Guay commencent à trouver écho chez l’évêque de Rimouski. L’histoire se conclut sur une note amère quand le missionnaire met fin à sa carrière dans le diocèse. Ce mémoire aborde plusieurs thématiques qui s’entrecoupent, comme le travail avec les Amérindiens, la carrière cléricale, les relations à l’interne, etc. L’objectif global est d’analyser comment un évêque dans la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle (période charnière pour l’Église québécoise) réagit quand un de ses prêtre est impliqué dans un scandale, particulièrement dans un contexte comme celui de Ristigouche. Le présent mémoire est divisé en trois chapitres; le premier a pour but de définir le cadre d’étude, le second de faire un survol de la carrière de Charles Guay jusqu’à l’enquête dont il est la cible à Ristigouche; et le dernier se veut une analyse de la gestion du scandale par Jean Langevin avec, en trame de fond, les dynamiques relationnelles entre les acteurs impliqués.

O presente trabalho busca apresentar uma aplicação da teoria dos jogos, de modo a complementar a literatura que utiliza esse referencial teórico e alcançar conclusões pertinentes que desafiam o senso comum. O assunto trabalhado são os debates políticos televisivos e o excesso de acusações realizadas pelos participantes. Através de premissas e expectativas dos jogos não cooperativos, que foram aplicadas sobre os debates de 2º turno das eleições presidenciais de 1989, 2006, 2010 e 2014, a hipótese de que a razão de tal comportamento é a própria organização do jogo, e não uma eventual falta de propostas a serem apresentadas pelos políticos, não é refutada empiricamente. Além disso, sugestões de mudanças de regras desses programas são realizadas, de modo que seu objetivo principal, a exposição de planos de governo, passe a ser atingido. / The present work seeks to present an application of the Game Theory, in order to complement the literature that uses this theoretical reference and to reach pertinent conclusions that defy common sense. The topic that is going to be studied are the televised political debates and the excess of accusations made by the participants. Through assumptions and expectations of non-cooperative games, that were applied to the 2nd round debates of the 1989, 2006, 2010 and 2014 presidential elections, the hypothesis that the reason for such behavior is the organization of the game, not an eventual lack of proposals by the political parties, is not empirically refuted. In addition, suggestions for changes in the rules of these programs are made, in order to ensure that the primary debates\' goal of exposing government plans is reached.

O presente trabalho busca apresentar uma aplicação da teoria dos jogos, de modo a complementar a literatura que utiliza esse referencial teórico e alcançar conclusões pertinentes que desafiam o senso comum. O assunto trabalhado são os debates políticos televisivos e o excesso de acusações realizadas pelos participantes. Através de premissas e expectativas dos jogos não cooperativos, que foram aplicadas sobre os debates de 2º turno das eleições presidenciais de 1989, 2006, 2010 e 2014, a hipótese de que a razão de tal comportamento é a própria organização do jogo, e não uma eventual falta de propostas a serem apresentadas pelos políticos, não é refutada empiricamente. Além disso, sugestões de mudanças de regras desses programas são realizadas, de modo que seu objetivo principal, a exposição de planos de governo, passe a ser atingido. / The present work seeks to present an application of the Game Theory, in order to complement the literature that uses this theoretical reference and to reach pertinent conclusions that defy common sense. The topic that is going to be studied are the televised political debates and the excess of accusations made by the participants. Through assumptions and expectations of non-cooperative games, that were applied to the 2nd round debates of the 1989, 2006, 2010 and 2014 presidential elections, the hypothesis that the reason for such behavior is the organization of the game, not an eventual lack of proposals by the political parties, is not empirically refuted. In addition, suggestions for changes in the rules of these programs are made, in order to ensure that the primary debates\' goal of exposing government plans is reached.

Esta tese oferta uma mirada antropológica sobre a agência da noção de bullying situada como uma categoria de acusação social no cotidiano contemporâneo brasileiro. Nascido como construto científico durante os anos 70, na região escandinava, o bullying conferiu nome a condutas, típicas em escolas, de intimidação sistemática entre pares, no interior de um decurso civilizatório no Ocidente que passa a atribuir reconhecimento a agressões de feitio moral. No Brasil, a acepção de bullying populariza-se apenas mais tardiamente, em meados da primeira década dos 2000. O espraiamento do conceito no país, inclusive para além dos muros das instituições de ensino, se dá num período sociopolítico específico: aquele de operação sem anterioridade na história nacional de um conjunto de políticas públicas nos campos da inclusão econômica e da diversidade social, alavancadas pelos governos presidenciais do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Essas iniciativas estatais colocam em primeiro plano tensões seculares presentes na sociedade brasileira perante alteridades e iniquidades de naturezas diversas. Tal quadro desencadeia uma série de disputas e confrontos que agência da noção de bullying trabalha por traduzir, comunicar e, concomitantemente, abastecer. Para problematizar isso, esta investigação apresenta-se como uma etnografia multissituada, a perseguir agenciamentos do bullying em diferentes domínios – científico, estatal, educacional, mercadológico e midiático – , em escalas sociológicas micro, intermediária e macro, a partir de acontecimentos ordinários e extraordinários. Os resultados apontam, de um lado, para um construto que, uma vez legitimado científica e politicamente, se revela potente em desencadear processos de subjetivação e estratégias de militância, capazes de denunciar uma gama de segregações e agir sobre elas. De outro lado, contudo, essas mobilizações encontram limites na exata medida que o conceito possui para subsidiar investidas neoliberais de gestão de populações, as quais demandam o autogoverno dos indivíduos em prol de uma pacificação ideal, mediante suspensão de contextos ético-políticos amplos e consequente perpetuação de desigualdades. A consideração dessa dupla faceta própria ao construto do bullying se coloca, assim, fundamental para pensar produções acadêmicas, políticas públicas, programas escolares de intervenção, produtos e serviços, bem como coberturas noticiosas, em ação no passado, ativos no presente ou, ainda, a serem planificados no futuro em favor dos direitos humanos e da justiça social. / The present dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the agency of the notion of bullying as a category of social accusation in the Brazilian contemporary everyday life. Born as a scientific construct during the 1970’s in the Scandinavian region, the concept of bullying, within the Western civilization course that now recognizes moral character aggressions, gave a name to typically school-based conducts of systematic intimidation between peers. In Brazil, the notion of bullying is popularized only later, in the first decade of the 2000’s. The concept’s dissemination in the country, even beyond the walls of educational institutions, occurs in a specific sociopolitical period: an unprecedented moment in the national history for the operation of a set of economic inclusion and social diversity policies, leveraged by the presidential governments of the Workers’ Party (PT). These state initiatives bring to the fore secular tensions regarding alterities and inequalities of different natures that have always been present in the Brazilian society. Such framework unleashes a series of disputes and confrontations that the agency of the bullying notion works to translate, to communicate and, at the same time, to instigate. In order to problematize this scenario, this investigation presents itself as a multi-sited ethnography, pursuing bullying agencies in different domains – scientific, state-owned, educational, marketing and media – on micro, intermediate and macro sociological scales, by means of ordinary and extraordinary events. The results point, on the one hand, to a construct that, once legitimated scientifically and politically, proves itself potent in triggering processes of subjectivation and strategies of militancy, capable of denouncing a range of segregations and acting on them. On the other hand, however, these mobilizations find limits in the exact measure that the concept has been subsidizing neoliberal population management efforts, which demand the self-government of individuals for the ideal pacification, through suspending broad ethical and political contexts and consequently with the perpetuation of inequalities. Considering this double facet of the bullying construct is therefore essential for thinking about academic productions, public policies, school intervention programs, products and services, and also the news coverage which were in action in the past, active in the present, and to be planned in the future in favor of human rights and social justice.

Between 2002 and 2006, an ongoing conflict surrounding Umeå-based biotech company UmanGenomics and the Medical Biobank at Umeå University played out in the media. The conflict involved researchers, business leaders, politicians, the university board, journalists and the general public. The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the public media-mediated conflict surrounding UmanGenomics and Medical Biobank from a media and communication sciences perspective and thereby contribute to research into Science Journalism and media-mediated science-related conflicts. The questions examined by the study are as follows: how was the conflict portrayed in local and national newspapers, respectively, and how did these portrayals change over time? Were there any similarities, or was there any relationship between the media-mediated conflict and the »internal« debate, which are able to be traced via the events registered in Umeå University’s journal of daily events? Which parties elected to involve themselves in the conflict and did their descriptions of what happened differ? Were there any particular aspects of the conflict that were portrayed by the media as »failures«, and if so, what was it that was considered a failure? In total, 654 texts from the local and national media were analysed, as well as the university’s journal. The study has largely been carried out using quantitative content analysis, supplemented by general argumentation analysis. The study’s theoretical bases are taken from research on the relationship between science and the media, from rhetoric research, but also from Science and Technology Studies (STS) in a broader sense. This dissertation shows that the conflict was reported on differently depending on the newspaper’s proximity to the conflict itself, and on which arena the conflict was played out in. This also demonstrates that the conflict, most especially as played out in local news coverage, can be divided into different phases. While the media reports include many instances of those involved laying blame at each other’s feet, it is the market and the conflict that are considered to have been the primary factors in UmanGenomics’ ultimate demise. This study presents five suggestions as to what lessons can be learnt from this media-mediated conflict. The first is that the conflict provides an example of mutual exploitation: the media exploited the events surrounding the conflict in order to produce newsworthy, sensational and descriptive stories. Whereas within the university, the main figures embroiled in the conflict used the media as a front to either introduce or support their own points of view. The second is that the conflict should have given the »university world« an inducement to discuss media strategies and its transparency policies in greater depth. The third suggestion is that the media’s ability to make citizens’ opinions on science-related questions heard is problematic. Fourthly, many of those involved used the conflict to try to position themselves in relation to a rival counterpart, rather than to try to provide the general public with a clear and accurate picture of the conflict. Finally, it is suggested that the use of the »goldmine« metaphor, used to refer to both UmanGenomics and Medical Biobank, may have played a part in limiting media debate on the issue within the confines of a certain type of rhetoric.

Esta tese oferta uma mirada antropológica sobre a agência da noção de bullying situada como uma categoria de acusação social no cotidiano contemporâneo brasileiro. Nascido como construto científico durante os anos 70, na região escandinava, o bullying conferiu nome a condutas, típicas em escolas, de intimidação sistemática entre pares, no interior de um decurso civilizatório no Ocidente que passa a atribuir reconhecimento a agressões de feitio moral. No Brasil, a acepção de bullying populariza-se apenas mais tardiamente, em meados da primeira década dos 2000. O espraiamento do conceito no país, inclusive para além dos muros das instituições de ensino, se dá num período sociopolítico específico: aquele de operação sem anterioridade na história nacional de um conjunto de políticas públicas nos campos da inclusão econômica e da diversidade social, alavancadas pelos governos presidenciais do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Essas iniciativas estatais colocam em primeiro plano tensões seculares presentes na sociedade brasileira perante alteridades e iniquidades de naturezas diversas. Tal quadro desencadeia uma série de disputas e confrontos que agência da noção de bullying trabalha por traduzir, comunicar e, concomitantemente, abastecer. Para problematizar isso, esta investigação apresenta-se como uma etnografia multissituada, a perseguir agenciamentos do bullying em diferentes domínios – científico, estatal, educacional, mercadológico e midiático – , em escalas sociológicas micro, intermediária e macro, a partir de acontecimentos ordinários e extraordinários. Os resultados apontam, de um lado, para um construto que, uma vez legitimado científica e politicamente, se revela potente em desencadear processos de subjetivação e estratégias de militância, capazes de denunciar uma gama de segregações e agir sobre elas. De outro lado, contudo, essas mobilizações encontram limites na exata medida que o conceito possui para subsidiar investidas neoliberais de gestão de populações, as quais demandam o autogoverno dos indivíduos em prol de uma pacificação ideal, mediante suspensão de contextos ético-políticos amplos e consequente perpetuação de desigualdades. A consideração dessa dupla faceta própria ao construto do bullying se coloca, assim, fundamental para pensar produções acadêmicas, políticas públicas, programas escolares de intervenção, produtos e serviços, bem como coberturas noticiosas, em ação no passado, ativos no presente ou, ainda, a serem planificados no futuro em favor dos direitos humanos e da justiça social. / The present dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the agency of the notion of bullying as a category of social accusation in the Brazilian contemporary everyday life. Born as a scientific construct during the 1970’s in the Scandinavian region, the concept of bullying, within the Western civilization course that now recognizes moral character aggressions, gave a name to typically school-based conducts of systematic intimidation between peers. In Brazil, the notion of bullying is popularized only later, in the first decade of the 2000’s. The concept’s dissemination in the country, even beyond the walls of educational institutions, occurs in a specific sociopolitical period: an unprecedented moment in the national history for the operation of a set of economic inclusion and social diversity policies, leveraged by the presidential governments of the Workers’ Party (PT). These state initiatives bring to the fore secular tensions regarding alterities and inequalities of different natures that have always been present in the Brazilian society. Such framework unleashes a series of disputes and confrontations that the agency of the bullying notion works to translate, to communicate and, at the same time, to instigate. In order to problematize this scenario, this investigation presents itself as a multi-sited ethnography, pursuing bullying agencies in different domains – scientific, state-owned, educational, marketing and media – on micro, intermediate and macro sociological scales, by means of ordinary and extraordinary events. The results point, on the one hand, to a construct that, once legitimated scientifically and politically, proves itself potent in triggering processes of subjectivation and strategies of militancy, capable of denouncing a range of segregations and acting on them. On the other hand, however, these mobilizations find limits in the exact measure that the concept has been subsidizing neoliberal population management efforts, which demand the self-government of individuals for the ideal pacification, through suspending broad ethical and political contexts and consequently with the perpetuation of inequalities. Considering this double facet of the bullying construct is therefore essential for thinking about academic productions, public policies, school intervention programs, products and services, and also the news coverage which were in action in the past, active in the present, and to be planned in the future in favor of human rights and social justice.

Esta tese oferta uma mirada antropológica sobre a agência da noção de bullying situada como uma categoria de acusação social no cotidiano contemporâneo brasileiro. Nascido como construto científico durante os anos 70, na região escandinava, o bullying conferiu nome a condutas, típicas em escolas, de intimidação sistemática entre pares, no interior de um decurso civilizatório no Ocidente que passa a atribuir reconhecimento a agressões de feitio moral. No Brasil, a acepção de bullying populariza-se apenas mais tardiamente, em meados da primeira década dos 2000. O espraiamento do conceito no país, inclusive para além dos muros das instituições de ensino, se dá num período sociopolítico específico: aquele de operação sem anterioridade na história nacional de um conjunto de políticas públicas nos campos da inclusão econômica e da diversidade social, alavancadas pelos governos presidenciais do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Essas iniciativas estatais colocam em primeiro plano tensões seculares presentes na sociedade brasileira perante alteridades e iniquidades de naturezas diversas. Tal quadro desencadeia uma série de disputas e confrontos que agência da noção de bullying trabalha por traduzir, comunicar e, concomitantemente, abastecer. Para problematizar isso, esta investigação apresenta-se como uma etnografia multissituada, a perseguir agenciamentos do bullying em diferentes domínios – científico, estatal, educacional, mercadológico e midiático – , em escalas sociológicas micro, intermediária e macro, a partir de acontecimentos ordinários e extraordinários. Os resultados apontam, de um lado, para um construto que, uma vez legitimado científica e politicamente, se revela potente em desencadear processos de subjetivação e estratégias de militância, capazes de denunciar uma gama de segregações e agir sobre elas. De outro lado, contudo, essas mobilizações encontram limites na exata medida que o conceito possui para subsidiar investidas neoliberais de gestão de populações, as quais demandam o autogoverno dos indivíduos em prol de uma pacificação ideal, mediante suspensão de contextos ético-políticos amplos e consequente perpetuação de desigualdades. A consideração dessa dupla faceta própria ao construto do bullying se coloca, assim, fundamental para pensar produções acadêmicas, políticas públicas, programas escolares de intervenção, produtos e serviços, bem como coberturas noticiosas, em ação no passado, ativos no presente ou, ainda, a serem planificados no futuro em favor dos direitos humanos e da justiça social. / The present dissertation offers an anthropological perspective on the agency of the notion of bullying as a category of social accusation in the Brazilian contemporary everyday life. Born as a scientific construct during the 1970’s in the Scandinavian region, the concept of bullying, within the Western civilization course that now recognizes moral character aggressions, gave a name to typically school-based conducts of systematic intimidation between peers. In Brazil, the notion of bullying is popularized only later, in the first decade of the 2000’s. The concept’s dissemination in the country, even beyond the walls of educational institutions, occurs in a specific sociopolitical period: an unprecedented moment in the national history for the operation of a set of economic inclusion and social diversity policies, leveraged by the presidential governments of the Workers’ Party (PT). These state initiatives bring to the fore secular tensions regarding alterities and inequalities of different natures that have always been present in the Brazilian society. Such framework unleashes a series of disputes and confrontations that the agency of the bullying notion works to translate, to communicate and, at the same time, to instigate. In order to problematize this scenario, this investigation presents itself as a multi-sited ethnography, pursuing bullying agencies in different domains – scientific, state-owned, educational, marketing and media – on micro, intermediate and macro sociological scales, by means of ordinary and extraordinary events. The results point, on the one hand, to a construct that, once legitimated scientifically and politically, proves itself potent in triggering processes of subjectivation and strategies of militancy, capable of denouncing a range of segregations and acting on them. On the other hand, however, these mobilizations find limits in the exact measure that the concept has been subsidizing neoliberal population management efforts, which demand the self-government of individuals for the ideal pacification, through suspending broad ethical and political contexts and consequently with the perpetuation of inequalities. Considering this double facet of the bullying construct is therefore essential for thinking about academic productions, public policies, school intervention programs, products and services, and also the news coverage which were in action in the past, active in the present, and to be planned in the future in favor of human rights and social justice.

Witchcraft discourse in South Africa has increasingly permeated all social structures, thereby becoming a real threat to the process of reconstruction and development. The neglect of witchcraft accusations and their resultant consequences can cause the country to lose all it gained as a result of the liberation struggle. In this study I examine the historical developments of witchcraft accusations around the world in general, and in South Africa in particular as well as the threats they pose to society. I analyse five broad areas: 1) The inborn h tendency to scapegoat; jealousy; and the role religion plays in the escalation of these problems; 2) The African world-view and its consequences on interpersonal relationships; 3) Colonial and missionary attempts to suppress the African world-view; 4) Ways and means of containing the conflicts arising from the witchcraft problem; and 5) Summary of findings. The research was occasioned by the untold suffering victims of witchcraft accusations have to undergo in the three Northern Provinces of South Africa. Because of the cruelty and misery such accusations cause the poor people of these rural provinces urgent attention is needed to contain them, especially since such accusations have not diminished despite all governmental efforts to curtail them. At the centre of witchcraft accusations there are stress, hatred, vindictiveness, and aspirations to become famous. The fear that one may be victimised by either being accused of witchcraft or being bewitched is very real even today. The relevance of the study is apparent when one considers the feelings of helplessness that paralyses the opponent of this carnage, such as government and the churches. A number of resources should thus be employed to counter would be put into it. This threat which is aggravated by the abject poverty prevalent in the rural communities of the three Provinces. The prevailing conditions of abject poverty play a definite role in the creation, promotion and escalation of the scourge. Policy makers should therefore have clear grasp of the extent to which poverty has influence on society in any effort to contain witchcraft accusations. I conclude the study by ~ecommending transformational paths to the Government, NonGovernmental Organisations and other Community Leaders to follow in attending to improve the lot of the poor. This is done by highlighting ten findings that emerged during the study. The findings were the result of analyses of archival records, literature and case studies on witchcraft accusations. Because the subject of witchcraft is so wide and emotive I have employed several sociological and anthropological theories to cover as wide a field as possible. The incorporation of so many theoretical approaches into the study presents on interpretive and analytical explanation of the causes, effects and containment of witchcraft accusations. The overall conclusion is encapsulated by the title of the study Moloi ga a na mmala (A witch has no colour). A witch remains unidentifiable, but witch-hunters and sniffers know how to identify their witches. Although the process remains paradoxical, it is practised on a daily basis. / Religious Studies & Arabic / D.Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)