Esta investigação tem como propósito, por um lado, revisar as principais teorias que analisam a aquisição e a aprendizagem de língua estrangeira (LE) e os principais conceitos e modelos que abordam especificamente a aquisição e a aprendizagem dos sons em LE os conceitos de surdez fonológica de Polivanov (1931) e de crivo fonológico de Trubetskoy (1939); o Modelo de Aprendizagem da Fala (SLM, Speech Learning Model de Flege (1981, 1991, 1995); o Modelo de Assimilação Perceptiva (PAM, Perceptual Assimilation Model de Best (1993, 1994, 1995); e o Modelo do Imã da Língua Materna (NLM, Native Language Magnet de Kuhl e Iverson (1995) , no marco da interrelação entre a fonética, a fonologia e as várias disciplinas linguísticas, desde princípios do século XX; época em que são formuladas as teorias estruturalistas, até as últimas décadas, quando se incorporou a contribuição da neurolinguística. Por outro lado, tem como objeto de estudo refletir sobre as dificuldades dos estudantes brasileiros de E/LE, com base em toda a argumentação teórica dos autores acima nomeados. Tal reflexão compreende desde uma visão genérica dessas dificuldades, apresentadas em uma tipologia, a uma mais específica, privilegiando a análise das características acústico-articulatórias da produção dos sons aproximantes [, ð, ] e nasais [m, n, ] da língua espanhola, por estudantes universitários brasileiros de E/LE do centro da cidade de São Paulo. Considera-se semelhante investigação relevante para os estudos das dificuldades dos estudantes brasileiros de E/LE no aspecto fônico, sobretudo por versar sobre as dificuldades não somente do ponto de vista contrastivo. Contempla sobremaneira os vários elementos implícitos no referido processo como as estratégias cognitivas próprias do período de interlíngua dos estudantes bem como a análise das características acústicas e articulatórias dos sons aproximantes e nasais, permitindo identificar, compreender e apresentar estratégias de correção no âmbito da produção dos sons em E/LE. / This paper aims at two goals: reviewing mainstream theories which analyze both foreign language learning and acquisition and chief concepts and models that specifically approach the learning and acquisition of Spanish soundsthe concepts of phonologic deafness (POLIVANOV, 1931), phonological sieve (TRUBETSKOY, 1939), SLM - Speech Learning Model (FLEGE, 1981, 1991, 1995), PAM - Perceptual Assimilation Model (BEST, 1993, 1994, 1995), and the NLM - Native Language Magnet (KUHL & IVERSON, 1995)interrelating phonetics, phonology and areas of linguistics from the beginning of the 20th century until current views, such as neurolinguistics; reflecting upon the learning difficulties faced by Brazilian students of Spanish. This reflection will range from a more generic view of these challenges, following a given typology, to a more detailed examination, emphasizing the analysis of acoustic-articulatory characteristics of Spanish approximants [, ð, ] and nasals [m, n, ] uttered by Brazilians who are university students of Spanish, from downtown Sao Paulo City. The investigation and its results are considered highly relevant to Brazilian learners of Spanish as it approaches common pronunciation problems through different aspects besides contrastive analysis. It contemplates several elements such as typical interlanguage cognitive strategies and the acoustic and articulatory analysis mentioned above in order to identify and understand mispronunciation phenomena as well as present (self-)correction strategies to reach standard production of Spanish sounds.

A mediados de 2013, durante el levantamiento de datos de la lengua indígena brasileña Yaathe para la elaboración de un TCC, se observó que ocurría algo no muy común en las lenguas naturales y que se hace mucho tiempo intrigaba investigadores experientesde la lengua: sílabas con vocales orales y nasales prolongadas como núcleo, qué hora atraen el acento principal, o no. Comparamos, entonces, la duración en los diferentes tipos de vocales de la lengua, que posee, además de vocales largas acentuadas y vocales largas no acentuadas. De ahí vino a la motivación para el análisis que proponemos en esta disertación: aclarar por qué ese fenómeno ocurre en la lengua, cuál es la relación del acento con el correlato fonético duración. De este modo, este trabajo realiza un análisis estadístico descriptivo del correlato fonético duración a fin de observar si esa duración es un correlato fonético confiable para marcar la prominencia acentual en la lengua, hipótesis levantado por Cabral (2009). Nuestra propuesta de estudio fue amparada en la teoría el enfoque fonético de los estudios de la lengua, la espina dorsal de los estudios fonético-acústicos de los sonidos del lenguaje humano. Nos basamos en Kent &Read (2015), Delgado Martins (1992), Barbosa y Madureira (2016), Ladefoged (2007), entre otros estudiosos. Los datos para el análisis fueron colectadosentre 2011 y 2013 y componen el corpus digital del proyecto titulado "Documentación de la lengua indígena brasileña Yaathe (Fulni-ô)", financiado por el CNPq. Las palabras para análisis fueron seleccionadas de dicho banco de datos, de acuerdo con los criterios número de sílabas (hasta tres sílabas) y estructura silábica.Consideramos el inventario de vocales de la lengua ya apuntados en trabajos anteriores sobre la lengua: Costa (1999); Cabral (2009); (2011, 2016). Las vocales fueron cortadas de las palabras y segmentadas utilizando el PRAAT. Los valores de la duración de cada segmento se extrajeron después de girar en misma aplicación (PRAAT) un Script, otra posibilidad que el propio programa ofrece para optimizar la extracción de valores automáticamente, esos valores fueron transportados al Exel, donde se calculó unamedia para cada tipo de vocal, en el caso de las orales, y la media para las nasales largas y breves en los dos contextos, acentuado y no acentuado.En posesión de esos valores, comparamos los valores medios de la duración. Este trabajo está organizado en tres secciones: en la primera sección, hacemos un panorama sobre el pueblo y la lengua de los Fulni-ô, informaciones etnográficas, así como apuntamos a los objetivos de la investigación; en la segunda sección, abordamos el aporte teórico utilizado en nuestra investigación; en la última sección, análisis estadístico descriptivo de los datos, comparando la duración entre vocales acentuadas y no acentuadas. Nuestros resultados muestran que el acento está marcado por la combinación de más de un correlato fonético, la duración y la intensidad, ya que la frecuencia ya fue descartada en el análisis preliminar de Cabral (2009). Así, nuestros resultados sugieren correlación entre la duración y la intensidad para marcar el acento en Yaathe. Para la duración tenemos la hipótesis confirmada. Para la intensidad, tenemos una nueva hipótesis levantada a ser confirmada en un nuevo estudio. / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Alagoas / Em meados de 2013, durante o levantamento de dados da língua indígena brasileira Yaathe para elaboração de um TCC, observou-se que ocorria algo não muito comum em línguas naturais e que há muito tempo intrigava pesquisadores experientes da língua: sílabas com vogais orais e nasais alongadas como núcleo, que ora atraem o acento principal, ora não. Comparamos, então, a duração nos diferentes tipos de vogais da língua, que possui, além de vogais longas acentuadas e vogais longas não acentuadas, vogais breves acentuadas e vogais breves não acentuadas. Daí veio à motivação para a análise que propomos nesta dissertação: esclarecer por que esse fenômeno acontece na língua, qual a relação do acento com o correlato fonético duração. Desse modo, este trabalho realiza uma análise estatística descritiva do correlato fonético duração a fim de observar se essa duração é um correlato fonético confiável para marcação da proeminência acentual na língua, hipótese levantada por Cabral (2009). Nossa proposta de estudo foi amparada na teoria da abordagem fonética dos estudos da língua, a espinha dorsal dos estudos fonético-acústicos dos sons da linguagem humana. Baseamo-nos em Kent &Read (2015), Delgado Martins(1992),Barbosa e Madureira (2016), Ladefoged (2007), entre outros estudiosos. Os dados para analise foram coletados entre 2011 e 2013 e compõem o corpus digital do projeto intitulado "Documentação da língua indígena brasileira Yaathe (Fulni-ô)", financiado pelo CNPq. As palavras para análise foram selecionadas do referido banco de dados, de acordo com os critérios número de sílabas (até três sílabas) e estrutura silábica. Consideramos o inventário de vogais da língua já depreendido em trabalhos anteriores sobre a língua: Costa (1999); Cabral(2009); Silva (2011, 2016). As vogais foram cortadas das palavras e segmentadas utilizando-se o PRAAT. Os valores da duração de cada segmento foram extraídos depois de ser rodado nesse mesmo aplicativo um Script, outra possibilidade que o próprio programa oferece para otimizar a extração de valores automaticamente, esses valores foram transportados para o Excel, onde foi calculada uma média para cada tipo de vogal, no caso das orais, e a média para as nasais longas e breves nos dois contextos, acentuado e não acentuado. De posse desses valores, comparamos os valores médios da duração. Este trabalho está organizado em três seções: na primeira seção, fazemos um panorama sobre o povo e a língua dos Fulni-ô, informações etnográficas, bem como apontamos para os objetivos da pesquisa; na segunda seção, abordamos o aporte teórico utilizado em nossa pesquisa; na última seção, trazemos a análise estatística e descritiva dos dados, comparando a duração entre vogais acentuadas e não acentuadas. Nossos resultados mostram que o acento é marcado pela combinação de mais de um correlato fonético, a duração e a intensidade, uma vez que a frequência já foi descartada na análise preliminar de Cabral (2009). Assim, nossos resultados sugerem correlação entre a duração e a intensidade para a marcação do acento em Yaathe. Para a duração, consideramos a hipótese confirmada. Para a intensidade, temos uma nova hipótese levantada a ser confirmada em um novo estudo.

本文旨在比較台灣閩南語常人、弛緩型(flaccid dysarthrics)、與痙攣型(spastic dysarthrics)神經性構音障礙病患子音絕對及相對音長之差異，並探討此病態語音在了解說話運動系統之特徵以及了解語言產製過程上可能的暗示。 結果顯示神經性構音障礙病患的子音絕對音長顯著長於常人受試者，但兩組病患延長的型態並不相同。首先，弛緩型病患子音音長顯著長於痙攣型病患；再者，以子音的帶音與否、發音位置、發音方法這三個向度來看，弛緩型病患之子音音長展現了全面性的延長，而痙攣型病患則產生了選擇性的延長，其子音之延長，大多集中在有聲子音上，這些差異乃因兩組病人病理狀況不同所致。 另一個結果則顯示，雖然神經性構音障礙病患，在子音音長呈現了延長的狀況，但在子音間相對音長次序上，仍保持到某種程度的完好，可是，子音雖保持一定的次序，但彼此間音長的差值及比值卻也發生了改變。而子音在音節中的所佔比例卻又和正常人無異。 因此，本文推斷，在常人子音的產製上，是要求精確的絕對音長，而且子音間音長亦要保持一定的相對關係；但若因病變致使說話者無法同時兼顧二者時，說話者會選擇犧牲絕對音長，而仍保持子音音長間的相互關係。這可能是語言產製與感知的一些經濟原則(principles of economy)互動所導致的結果。此外，構音障礙病患表就子音在音節中的相對時長這個向度上，和常人無異，這可能是語言文法與生理限制二項因素互動所致。 / This study aims (1) to investigate the absolute and relative timing of consonant duration in Taiwanese neurogenic dysarthric speech by means of acoustic measurements, (2) and to explore their implication on the characteristics of motor system and on the status of timing control in speech production. The results show that absolute consonant duration in flaccid and spastic dysarthric speech are significantly longer than that in normal controls. However, the "lengthening" phenomena display different patterns in flaccid and spastic groups. First, for the patients with the same degree of muscular dysfunction, the flaccid dysarthrics lengthen the consonant duration significantly greater than the spastic ones do. Second, whereas absolute consonant duration in flaccid group shows overall lengthening regardless of voicing state, stricture type, and place of articulation, that in spastic group displays selective lengthening. Besides, though the absolute consonant duration is lengthened in dysarthric speech, the durational opposition between consonants is more or less distinct. However, only the durational ranking between consonants (external timing relation) is maintained in dysarthric, but the durational distance or ratio between consonants (internal timing relation) is modified. Relative timing of consonant duration, that is, the consonant-to-syllable ratio (cs-ratio) within a syllable remains intact in dysarthric speech even though the segmental duration is lengthened. Lengthened absolute consonant duration in dysarthric speech is accounted for by the neurological deficits and compensatory effects. Longer absolute consonant duration in flaccid than in spastic speech is attributed to slowness and weakness without spasticity of speech musculature in flaccid dysarthria. Overall lengthening of consonant duration in flaccid group results from the entirely-impaired cranial nerves innervating speech musculature, whereas selective lengthening of consonant in spastic group is ascribed to spasticity and the selective pattern as well as directionality of neuromuscular impairments in spastic dysarthria. The reserved durational ranking between consonants in dysarthric speech may result from the compromise of principles of economy in speech production and perception. The normal-like CS-ratios in dysarthric speech stem from the interaction between biological constraints and the grammar of a language. Based on the data collected from dysarthric speech, this study discusses the temporal variance as well as invariance in speech motor system and the status of timing in the grammar of a language. The importance of principles of economy in speech production and perception is also indicated.

國語二聲在文獻上多被描述為一調值35的高升調。然而近來不少學者發現台灣地區的國語二聲在閩南語/國語雙語語者族群中有變異的現象：一是323的降升調，二是接近31的低降調。文獻顯示這可能與語言背景(Lo, 2004)和地區(H. J. Hsu,2004)有關。然而對於國語單語語者的研究並不多。此外，性別、母音、聲調環境和句中位置也有可能影響聲調的變異。因此，本研究旨在調查台灣地區的聲調變異現象，藉由語音學實驗的方式，探究國語二聲的變異和語言背景（閩語/國語雙語語者或國語單語語者）的關係。並進一步探討其與社會因素：地區（北、中、南）、性別和語言學因素：母音、聲調環境和句中位置的關係。受試者以17-27歲的年輕族群為主。結果發現台灣地區的年輕人普遍以平調（中平調或低平調）(level)作為二聲變異的主要變體，另一較少數的變體則為低升調(low-rising)，低降調在本研究中並不明顯。這些二聲變體有可能是受到整體調域向下縮窄的影響。而閩語/國語雙語語者的確發出較多的聲調變異，特別是低升調，這可能是受到閩語聲調系統的影響。地區、性別，以及母音、聲調環境和句中位置都會影響二聲變異。本研究進一步證實二聲的聲調變異在台灣年輕族群中的發展，支持了台灣地區國語的調域縮窄的現況。 / Mandarin Tone 2 is canonically described as a high rising tone. However, recently, T2 in Taiwan was found to have other contour types: the dipping contour (323) and falling (31) variants (Fon, 1997; H. J. Hsu, 2004), with the former being considered as a normal rising tone, but the later totally losing the rising feature. Those were all found in Taiwanese (Tw)-Taiwan Mandarin(TM) bilinguals. The reasons causing this tonal variation is supposed to be relating to the language backgrounds and other social and linguistic factors from previous studies. However, no study has confirmed those correlated factors, especially the comparison between Tw-TM bilinguals and TM monolinguals. This study thus aims to discover what the T2 variation is and where it occurs. By sampling 24 subjects, aged 17-27, with half Tw-TM bilinguals and half TM monolinguals, we conducted three experiments to test the T2 in different contexts. Results showed that instead of the falling variant, more speakers produced a level variant and a small amount of low-rising variant. Besides, the bilinguals did produce more T2 variations than the monolinguals. The results indicated that language background does affect the T2 variation among young speakers in Taiwan. Moreover, the high percentage of the Level variant support the finding of a narrower tonal range of TM, compared to the standard Mandarin. Other factors, such as genders, regions, vowels, tonal environments and sentence positions were also found to have influence on T2 variations.

The variety of middle-class speakers in St. John’s conforms to some degree to mainland Canadian-English pronunciation norms, but in complex and distinctive ways (Clarke, 1985, 1991, 2010; D’Arcy, 2005; Hollett, 2006). One as yet unresolved question is whether speakers of this variety participate in the Canadian Shift (cf. Clarke, 2012; Chambers, 2012), a chain shift of the lax front vowels that has been confirmed for many different regions of Canada (e.g. Roeder and Gardner, 2013, for Thunder Bay and Toronto, Sadlier-Brown and Tamminga, 2008, for Halifax and Vancouver). While acoustic phonetic analyses of St. John’s English are rare, some claims have been made that urban St. John’s speakers do not participate in the shift, based on two or six speakers (Labov, Ash & Boberg, 2006; Boberg 2010). Other researchers with larger data sets suggest that younger St. John’s speakers participate in mainland Canadians innovations to different degrees than mainlanders (e.g. Hollett, 2006). The Canadian Shift has not been uniformly defined, but agreement exists that with the low-back merger in place, BATH/TRAP retracts and consequently DRESS lowers. Clarke et al. (1995), unlike Labov et al. (2006), assert that KIT is subsequently lowered. Boberg (2005, 2010), however, emphasizes retraction of KIT and DRESS and suggests unrelated parallel shifts instead. In this PhD thesis, I demonstrate the presence of the Canadian Shift in St. John’s, NL, conforming to Clarke et al.’s (1995) original proposal. In my stratified randomly-sampled data (approx. 10,000 vowels, 34 interviewees, stratified as to age, gender, socioeconomic status, and “local-ness”), results from Euclidean distance measures, correlation coefficients, and linear, as well as logistic, mixed-effects regression show that (1) young St. John’s speakers clearly participate in the shift; and that (2) age has the strongest and a linear effect. Continuous modeling of age yields even more significant results for participation in a classic chain shift (6% decrease in lowering per added year). My findings also confirm that the change seems to have entered the system via formal styles (cf. Clarke, 1991, 2010, for TRAP in St. John’s). Traditionally, the linguistic homogeneity on a phonetic level of the Canadian middle class has been explained by Canada’s settlement and migration patterns of the North American Loyalists from Ontario to the west (cf. Chambers, 2009). Newfoundland’s settlement is distinct, in that the British and the Irish were the only two relevant sources. If settlement were the only crucial reason for a shared pronunciation of Canada’s middle class from Vancouver to St. John’s, the Canadian Shift should be absent in the latter region. I suggest three reasons for middle-class St. John’s’ participation in the Canadian Shift: 1) Newfoundland’s 300-year-old rural-urban divide as a result of its isolation, through which British/Irish features are attributed to rural und lower social class speakers; 2) the development of the oil industry since the 1990’s, through which social networks changed according to the perception of social distance/closeness; and 3) the importance of the linguistic marketplace, which is high in St. John’s due to 1) and 2).

Les Bwaba du Burkina Faso montrent une grande prédilection, dans leur expression orale, pour un recours à l’implicite consistant à dissimuler la parole au moyen des sons de leurs xylophones. Cette dissimulation s’exerce principalement à propos des identités individuelles et collectives. C’est là une façon, pour eux, de masquer leur pensée tout en la dévoilant, afin de susciter à tout moment chez leurs auditeurs l’éveil de l’esprit, le questionnement, la curiosité. Ils disposent à cet effet de deux genres musicaux différenciés, tous deux dévolus à la louange, dont chacun forme un corpus spécifique : les devises senké et les chants bassé. Le recensement, la description et l’analyse de cette manière d’être, de dire et de faire constituent l’objet de la présente thèse.Le plus souvent sans recours aux paroles verbalisées, ces musiques de louange offrent un exemple hautement élaboré de transmission des signifiés. L’étude s’applique en priorité à ces modalités instrumentales pour interroger les processus de transposition de la parole à la musique, qui nourrissent cette société dans son quotidien et dans ses fêtes. Enoncer de façon voilée, par les sons du xylophone, le nom d’un groupe ou d’un individu permet de faire montre d’une grande maîtrise du langage musical, comme de la gestion des relations sociales et des possibilités de communication entre les membres de la communauté. Cette étude ambitionne de démontrer que « la parole du xylophone » témoigne, chez les Bwaba, d’une exceptionnelle mise en cohérence de l’intelligence productive et de l’intelligence perceptive / The Bwaba from Burkina Faso are very partial to using implicitness in their oral communication, i.e. to conceal speech within the sounds of their xylophones. This concealment applies mostly to individual and collective identities. It is for them a way to mask their thoughts, while unveiling them at the same time, in order to create an awakening of spirit, and arouse questioning and curiosity among their audience. In order to achieve that, they can use two differentiated musical genres, both meant for praise and with a specific corpus each: mottos or senké, and songs or bassé. The object of this PhD is to make an inventory, to describe and analyse this way of being, of saying and of doing.The musics of praise, which most of the time do not use any verbal speech, give a highly elaborate example of transmission of the signified. This study first of all applies to instrumental modalities, in order to question the process of transposition of speech into music, a process which nurtures the Bwaba society in its daily life and holy days and feasts. Enunciating in a veiled way the name of a group or a person, through the sounds of xylophone, enables them to show their great skills in musical language, and also in the management of social relationships and in communication possibilities among members of the community. The present study wishes to demonstrate that "xylophone speech" shows, for the Bwaba, an exceptional setting into coherence of the productive and perceptive intelligence.

The variety of middle-class speakers in St. John’s conforms to some degree to mainland Canadian-English pronunciation norms, but in complex and distinctive ways (Clarke, 1985, 1991, 2010; D’Arcy, 2005; Hollett, 2006). One as yet unresolved question is whether speakers of this variety participate in the Canadian Shift (cf. Clarke, 2012; Chambers, 2012), a chain shift of the lax front vowels that has been confirmed for many different regions of Canada (e.g. Roeder and Gardner, 2013, for Thunder Bay and Toronto, Sadlier-Brown and Tamminga, 2008, for Halifax and Vancouver). While acoustic phonetic analyses of St. John’s English are rare, some claims have been made that urban St. John’s speakers do not participate in the shift, based on two or six speakers (Labov, Ash & Boberg, 2006; Boberg 2010). Other researchers with larger data sets suggest that younger St. John’s speakers participate in mainland Canadians innovations to different degrees than mainlanders (e.g. Hollett, 2006). The Canadian Shift has not been uniformly defined, but agreement exists that with the low-back merger in place, BATH/TRAP retracts and consequently DRESS lowers. Clarke et al. (1995), unlike Labov et al. (2006), assert that KIT is subsequently lowered. Boberg (2005, 2010), however, emphasizes retraction of KIT and DRESS and suggests unrelated parallel shifts instead. In this PhD thesis, I demonstrate the presence of the Canadian Shift in St. John’s, NL, conforming to Clarke et al.’s (1995) original proposal. In my stratified randomly-sampled data (approx. 10,000 vowels, 34 interviewees, stratified as to age, gender, socioeconomic status, and “local-ness”), results from Euclidean distance measures, correlation coefficients, and linear, as well as logistic, mixed-effects regression show that (1) young St. John’s speakers clearly participate in the shift; and that (2) age has the strongest and a linear effect. Continuous modeling of age yields even more significant results for participation in a classic chain shift (6% decrease in lowering per added year). My findings also confirm that the change seems to have entered the system via formal styles (cf. Clarke, 1991, 2010, for TRAP in St. John’s). Traditionally, the linguistic homogeneity on a phonetic level of the Canadian middle class has been explained by Canada’s settlement and migration patterns of the North American Loyalists from Ontario to the west (cf. Chambers, 2009). Newfoundland’s settlement is distinct, in that the British and the Irish were the only two relevant sources. If settlement were the only crucial reason for a shared pronunciation of Canada’s middle class from Vancouver to St. John’s, the Canadian Shift should be absent in the latter region. I suggest three reasons for middle-class St. John’s’ participation in the Canadian Shift: 1) Newfoundland’s 300-year-old rural-urban divide as a result of its isolation, through which British/Irish features are attributed to rural und lower social class speakers; 2) the development of the oil industry since the 1990’s, through which social networks changed according to the perception of social distance/closeness; and 3) the importance of the linguistic marketplace, which is high in St. John’s due to 1) and 2).:List of Tables viii List of Figures x 0 Prologue – Variationist Sociolinguistics 1 1 Introduction 27 2 English-speaking Canada and its Vowel Shifts 31 3 Newfoundland and its Englishes 77 4 Data and Methodology 107 5 Analysis and Discussion 243 6 Conclusion 363 Bibliography 375 Appendices 409 A Interview Questionnaire 409 B Normality Tests per Speaker and Age Group 423 C Vowel Plot of Median Formant Values 433 D Results for the Assumptions of T-tests 435 E Results from Decision Trees and Optimal Binning 439 F Results from Regression Analyses 449 G Résumé 457 H Deutsche Zusammenfassung der Dissertation 461 I Eidestattliche Erklärung zur Eigenständigkeit 469