The past decade has been witness to a growing concern with the political, moral and social capacity of young people to demonstrate ‘active citizenship’. Alongside the introduction of citizenship education in schools there has been evidence of increased political and public anxiety about how young people integrate within their local communities. All of this has taken place in the context of broader social policy debates about how individuals demonstrate social responsibility in late modern, advanced liberal democracies. This study investigated how young people define and experience active citizenship in their everyday, real world settings. It comprised workshops and focus groups with 93 young people aged 14-16 living in the East Midlands. Using an adaptive theory design, the investigation utilised definitions generated by young people to build an applied theory of active citizenship. Young people in this study defined active citizenship in terms of membership and status, social responsibility and to a lesser extent, political literacy. Through a process of deliberation, they determined six concepts to be most important in thinking about active citizenship. These were ‘rights’; ‘responsibilities’; ‘care for others’; ‘control’; ‘making decisions’, and ‘respect’. These concepts were explored in relation to the everyday experiences of young people. Young people experience active citizenship differently within and between each context of their lives (proximate, community and institutional levels) showing high degrees of related skills and awareness. Whilst communities and institutions offer some opportunities for young people to test and develop citizenship identities, they also present significant barriers.

Esta tese é uma reflexão sobre os arranjos institucionais que compõem as ordens jurídicas e políticas de nossas democracias ocidentais. Queremos mostrar a urgência de uma virada na perspectiva antropológica, como alternativa para superação da imensa crise pela qual passamos, e, para tanto, a filosofia política de Hannah Arendt foi a inspiração certa. Com a Filósofa, aprendemos que é somente na interação do “eu com os outros” que se concretiza a realidade do mundo humano, garantindo a vitalidade do espaço público, sede, por excelência, da ação política. Enquanto permanecermos presos ao individualismo solipsista, reproduzindo o padrão comportamental daquele a quem Hannah Arendt chama de animal laborans, não poderá existir uma esfera verdadeiramente pública, mas, tão-somente, atividades privadas exibidas em público. O que queremos demonstrar é que a possibilidade de superação dos atuais problemas passa pelo afastamento da violência que destrói o poder e esvazia a autoridade, pelo resgate da confiança dos cidadãos e pela afirmação do compromisso entre governantes e governados. Trata-se de uma concreta mudança na perspectiva antropológica subjacente às estruturas institucionais da comunidade política. Sai de cena o animal laborans, dando lugar ao amável zôon politikón, o ser humano, na sua condição plena, que sabe que a liberdade real só existe neste “estar um com o outro” no espaço público, onde há a necessária confiança e o essencial consentimento dos cidadãos para construir e fazer funcionar as ordens jurídicas e políticas. Voltamos os nossos olhos para o passado, examinando os contornos políticos, jurídicos e sociais dos respectivos espaços públicos, antigo, medieval e moderno, avaliando as consequencias no desenvolvimento de nossa compreensão sobre a cidadania. A alternativa de solução que propomos investe no valor da argumentação jurídica, pois acreditamos que a compreensão humana é o outro lado da nossa capacidade de agir. Sendo assim, defendemos, neste trabalho, a máxima importância da argumentação jurídica como um dos componentes da cidadania ativa capaz de recuperar as densidades éticas, jurídicas e políticas do espaço público, dando legitimidade democrática às suas regras de regência. / The thesis is a careful thought about the political, social and legal system of our western democracies. It shows how we need, as soon as possible, to make na anthropological overturn, like an alternative to get over the immeasurable crisis we are suffering now. In this task, we are supported by Hannah Arendt’s political philosophy. This wonderful thinker taught that we need to treat the others like equals. At least, if we want to build a human life in the world with a real public space where the political action can happen. If animal laborans keeps the control over the public arena, it will not be a truly public sphere, but only a place where private activities are showed. We will get over the problems if we realize that violence destroys the power and the authority. So, we need to rescue the citizen’s trust and the compromise between the Government and people. It is a real change in the anthropological perspective that deeply affects the political, legal and social orders. Aninal laborans gets out of the public scene. He is replaced by a lovely newcomer: zôon politikón, who lives a truly Human Condition. Actually, he lives in a democratic society in which citizens have access to political debate and can themselves be heard in it. He knows that only in this special place, where we are together, a sphere of open and free discussion is possible. The public space is the place where exists the much-needed trust and the common consent of citizens for build and do work the political and legal orders. We outline a historical retrospect scenery of the western political organizations and their public spheres in order to point out the evolution that happened in the societies in face of the several political, legal and social facts that permeated the last centuries. Especially, we emphasize the effects and consequences of that facts in the citizens’s behavior and citizen’s understanding. We consider that it is quite indispensable to enable and improve the legal reasoning, especially the pratical reasoning, because we believe that the human understanding is the other side of our capacity of action. In this way, we defend the great value of legal reasoning for active citizenship. Actually, we believe in this alternative to recover the ethical, legal and political density of public space, legitimating its rules.

This thesis is concerned with the concept of social justice. It is a concept increasingly used in educational literature, yet infrequently well theorized. However, if one of the key aims of education is the development of active and informed citizens who will work to further democratic processes and thereby a more just society, then teacher educators and policy makers need to develop in pre-service teachers a well considered sense of justice and a desire to teach for social justice. The problematic here is the highly contested nature of the meaning of social justice. Given the lack of a universally agreed upon understanding of what social justice means, a useful avenue of research is how do teachers, who are meant to carry out the above aims of education, understand social justice and what are possible implications of these understandings? Research of this nature is rare however, it is argued here that such research is important as the manner in which teachers understand social justice will have implications for the way in which they teach, the content they choose to present to their students, and their view of what a just society may look like. Accordingly, the aim of this thesis is to explore the understanding a sample of final year secondary pre-service teachers studying Studies of Society and Environment (SOSE) in a School of Education in a university in the State of Queensland, Australia, have, of the concept of social justice. The range of understandings of social justice held by this sample of pre-service teachers are then evaluated against a well known but infrequently well articulated (within the educational context) theory of social justice, that is, Justice as Fairness by John Rawls. Pre-service secondary teachers of SOSE, that is, social science teachers, were chosen for this research on the basis that it is they, who, by the nature of their subject disciplines, for example, history, geography, sociology, economics and political philosophy, are most likely to have greater opportunities to engage with issues of social justice, citizenship, and democracy within their teaching. Based on this assumption, teachers of SOSE should possess a greater knowledge of social justice compared to other teachers. While the focus of this research is on pre-service teachers of SOSE, it is incumbent on teachers of all discipline areas to work towards developing active and informed citizens who will work to expand and support democratic processes, as set out in the aims of education. As such, this research is relevant not only to social science teachers, but rather to all teachers. In order to carry out the above aim I modify and breakdown the complexity of Rawlsian theory to a number of more easily understood aspects or focal points of social justice and argue that the resulting conceptual framework is in line with both the aims of education previously stated and the widely accepted belief of Australia as an egalitarian society. Such a task, which has not previously been done within an educational context, seems timely as under the dominant neo-liberal ideology and the increased prominence given to difference theorists of social justice, issues of economic equality appear to have fallen off the agenda in recent governmental and educational social justice research and discourse. A phenomenographic research approach was used to ascertain the range of understandings a theoretical sample of 15 final year pre-service secondary teachers of SOSE had of social justice. Data were obtained from one-off semi-structured interviews. Phenomenographic research typically groups the pre-service teacher‟s responses into different categories or understandings of social justice. In this study, pre-service teachers displayed three qualitatively different ways of experiencing or understanding social justice. In brief, they characterized or understood social justice as: (1) providing equal opportunity; (2) as providing equal participation; or (3) as active citizenship. These categories may then be hierarchically arranged against the previously constructed Rawlsian framework. For example, in Category 3 (active citizenship), pre-service teachers understanding of social justice had more in common with the Rawlsian framework (indicating a deeper understanding of social justice) than either Category 1 or 2. Accordingly, Category 3 was ranked the highest under the above criteria followed by Category 2 and then Category 1. When compared with the Rawlsian framework, pre-service teacher‟s understandings of social justice were found to be lacking by varying degrees between the three categories in three key areas: social justice as a focus on structural inequality; social justice as a focus on a more egalitarian society; and social justice as a focus on active citizenship and the promotion of democratic processes. The implications of these omissions are discussed in terms of teaching for social justice, and promoting a more just and democratic society. In particular, the egalitarian nature of a Rawlsian framework directs future educational research, policy engagement, and teacher education on social justice to issues of poverty and inequality and their impact on the educational outcomes of low-income students in Australia and on the direction in which Australian society is heading. Accordingly, a case is made for the use of a Rawlsian framework of social justice in teacher education courses. However, such a framework is not to be regarded as the end point to debates of social justice, but as a useful starting point to a more substantive engagement with issues of social justice as they may apply to pre-service teacher education, and educational research and policy.

In this study, it is aimed to examine the community policing model in the active citizenship and civil renewal context. The study begins with investigating basic concepts and theories of citizenship, good governance, crime prevention, policing models and interconnection of concepts. Community policing relies on the concept of active citizenship that requires active involvement of citizens into decision making mechanism of public institutions to tackle the problems of community. Community policing is also supposed to be a police reform in the light of governance principles. The structure and working principles of police organization should be reviewed according to these principles. In this framework, community policing efforts of Turkish police, its reflections in society and the needs of police organization are analyzed. It is tried to reach a comprehensive explanation about the implementation of community policing model. To reach the goal of the study interviews held with citizens and police officers. The results of interviews provide an opportunity to comprehend the facts and to determine the view of public on the possible related changes in practice. At the end of the study, it can be said that community policing has democratic policing and problem solving functions but the core element of this model, participation, is a complex and dynamic process that is highly unpredictable and difficult to control. In addition, citizen-focused policing requires a cultural and operational reform. That is why, it is not an easy transformation process. It is concluded that community policing is an applicable model for Turkish Police with its challenges.

Abstract Twentieth century, citizen “revolts” against highway projects have influenced thinking about public transport (Toronto, Vancouver, New York), governance (Portland), and cycling (The Netherlands) to this day. Less is known about how these emerge in developing countries, and what they can tell us about citizens’ role in innovation to achieve more socially just, good and livable cities.  Using a complexity-based approach, this dissertation explores lessons from an anti-highway movement in Santiago, Chile (1997), which challenged authoritarian planning paradigms inherited from the Pinochet regime (1973-1990). In 2000, these leaders of diverse communities founded a citizen institution, Living City (Ciudad Viva), which today is a prize-winning, citizen-led planning institution.  Participation is recognized as important to community development, health and urban planning. Nonetheless, a rich literature notes many limitations. Is improving participation just a matter of “getting the process right”? Or does it require re-formulating frameworks to redistribute power, fostering self-generating civil society organizations, and treating democratization as ongoing rather than a “steady state”?  Re-formulating frameworks has far-reaching implications. It requires acting consistently with the premise that the local is central to change in human living systems, and the need to create the civic “infrastructure” conducive to citizen learning and the emergence of multiscalar citizen organizations, able to mobilize ecology of actors for innovation. To effectively address the challenges of climate change, loss of biodiversity, the social determinants of health, the “obesity epidemic” and other issues, the answers lie in city neighbourhoods and human settlements.  If we aspire to good, just and livable cities, uncertain futures require planning for change. This research suggests that we can identify dynamics likely to leverage significant change and activate capacities throughout a system. This requires moving to an inclusive planning paradigm that fully integrates citizen planners.

Abstract Twentieth century, citizen “revolts” against highway projects have influenced thinking about public transport (Toronto, Vancouver, New York), governance (Portland), and cycling (The Netherlands) to this day. Less is known about how these emerge in developing countries, and what they can tell us about citizens’ role in innovation to achieve more socially just, good and livable cities.  Using a complexity-based approach, this dissertation explores lessons from an anti-highway movement in Santiago, Chile (1997), which challenged authoritarian planning paradigms inherited from the Pinochet regime (1973-1990). In 2000, these leaders of diverse communities founded a citizen institution, Living City (Ciudad Viva), which today is a prize-winning, citizen-led planning institution.  Participation is recognized as important to community development, health and urban planning. Nonetheless, a rich literature notes many limitations. Is improving participation just a matter of “getting the process right”? Or does it require re-formulating frameworks to redistribute power, fostering self-generating civil society organizations, and treating democratization as ongoing rather than a “steady state”?  Re-formulating frameworks has far-reaching implications. It requires acting consistently with the premise that the local is central to change in human living systems, and the need to create the civic “infrastructure” conducive to citizen learning and the emergence of multiscalar citizen organizations, able to mobilize ecology of actors for innovation. To effectively address the challenges of climate change, loss of biodiversity, the social determinants of health, the “obesity epidemic” and other issues, the answers lie in city neighbourhoods and human settlements.  If we aspire to good, just and livable cities, uncertain futures require planning for change. This research suggests that we can identify dynamics likely to leverage significant change and activate capacities throughout a system. This requires moving to an inclusive planning paradigm that fully integrates citizen planners.

Esta tese é uma reflexão sobre os arranjos institucionais que compõem as ordens jurídicas e políticas de nossas democracias ocidentais. Queremos mostrar a urgência de uma virada na perspectiva antropológica, como alternativa para superação da imensa crise pela qual passamos, e, para tanto, a filosofia política de Hannah Arendt foi a inspiração certa. Com a Filósofa, aprendemos que é somente na interação do “eu com os outros” que se concretiza a realidade do mundo humano, garantindo a vitalidade do espaço público, sede, por excelência, da ação política. Enquanto permanecermos presos ao individualismo solipsista, reproduzindo o padrão comportamental daquele a quem Hannah Arendt chama de animal laborans, não poderá existir uma esfera verdadeiramente pública, mas, tão-somente, atividades privadas exibidas em público. O que queremos demonstrar é que a possibilidade de superação dos atuais problemas passa pelo afastamento da violência que destrói o poder e esvazia a autoridade, pelo resgate da confiança dos cidadãos e pela afirmação do compromisso entre governantes e governados. Trata-se de uma concreta mudança na perspectiva antropológica subjacente às estruturas institucionais da comunidade política. Sai de cena o animal laborans, dando lugar ao amável zôon politikón, o ser humano, na sua condição plena, que sabe que a liberdade real só existe neste “estar um com o outro” no espaço público, onde há a necessária confiança e o essencial consentimento dos cidadãos para construir e fazer funcionar as ordens jurídicas e políticas. Voltamos os nossos olhos para o passado, examinando os contornos políticos, jurídicos e sociais dos respectivos espaços públicos, antigo, medieval e moderno, avaliando as consequencias no desenvolvimento de nossa compreensão sobre a cidadania. A alternativa de solução que propomos investe no valor da argumentação jurídica, pois acreditamos que a compreensão humana é o outro lado da nossa capacidade de agir. Sendo assim, defendemos, neste trabalho, a máxima importância da argumentação jurídica como um dos componentes da cidadania ativa capaz de recuperar as densidades éticas, jurídicas e políticas do espaço público, dando legitimidade democrática às suas regras de regência. / The thesis is a careful thought about the political, social and legal system of our western democracies. It shows how we need, as soon as possible, to make na anthropological overturn, like an alternative to get over the immeasurable crisis we are suffering now. In this task, we are supported by Hannah Arendt’s political philosophy. This wonderful thinker taught that we need to treat the others like equals. At least, if we want to build a human life in the world with a real public space where the political action can happen. If animal laborans keeps the control over the public arena, it will not be a truly public sphere, but only a place where private activities are showed. We will get over the problems if we realize that violence destroys the power and the authority. So, we need to rescue the citizen’s trust and the compromise between the Government and people. It is a real change in the anthropological perspective that deeply affects the political, legal and social orders. Aninal laborans gets out of the public scene. He is replaced by a lovely newcomer: zôon politikón, who lives a truly Human Condition. Actually, he lives in a democratic society in which citizens have access to political debate and can themselves be heard in it. He knows that only in this special place, where we are together, a sphere of open and free discussion is possible. The public space is the place where exists the much-needed trust and the common consent of citizens for build and do work the political and legal orders. We outline a historical retrospect scenery of the western political organizations and their public spheres in order to point out the evolution that happened in the societies in face of the several political, legal and social facts that permeated the last centuries. Especially, we emphasize the effects and consequences of that facts in the citizens’s behavior and citizen’s understanding. We consider that it is quite indispensable to enable and improve the legal reasoning, especially the pratical reasoning, because we believe that the human understanding is the other side of our capacity of action. In this way, we defend the great value of legal reasoning for active citizenship. Actually, we believe in this alternative to recover the ethical, legal and political density of public space, legitimating its rules.

In my thesis I have dealt with the content knowledge of regionality in Civics at the lower secondary school and described the actual and former curricular contents of the topic "The place we live in". The present form of the curriculum lacks any mandatory comprehension that deals with this topic. I have examined the content knowledge of regionality from the point of view of regionalism, regional development and politics and thus described thoroughly the structure and classification of regions as it follows the syllabus. Researching the aforementioned subject I have created a hands-on teaching material, which covers 13 follow- up lessons, encouraging pupils to behave as active and responsible members of regional society.

Submitted by Jamile Barbosa da Cruz (jamile.cruz@ucsal.br) on 2017-01-16T14:29:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Leila.pdf: 1320272 bytes, checksum: bef17052c47f2b54bcc9ccd64abe7374 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Rosemary Magalhães (rosemary.magalhaes@ucsal.br) on 2017-01-16T19:19:19Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Leila.pdf: 1320272 bytes, checksum: bef17052c47f2b54bcc9ccd64abe7374 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-16T19:19:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Leila.pdf: 1320272 bytes, checksum: bef17052c47f2b54bcc9ccd64abe7374 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-31 / Frente às desigualdades sociais evidenciadas ao longo da história do Brasil, muitos jovens são tratados como um “problema social” a ser contido ou assistido, reproduzindo uma codificação negativa, não os considerando como sujeitos-cidadãos. A partir da discussão sobre a construção da cidadania nas políticas brasileiras, este estudo visa analisar a concepção de cidadania ativa no ideário do Programa Nacional de Inclusão de Jovens (ProJovem Urbano - PJU) e discussão sobre o alcance e limites dessa, assim como sua prática, ao concebê-lo como parte de uma política pública voltada para a juventude (PPJs) neste país. Busca-se assim analisar as ações desenvolvidas (planejamento, implementação e avaliação), no período de 2008 a 2011, para que os jovens reconheçam os seus direitos e deveres, saibam buscar os seus direitos e saibam reconhecer os direitos dos outros, como membros pertencentes a uma comunidade. Este estudo se pretende uma análise documental referente a diferentes momentos do ProJovem Urbano tendo como campo básico uma leitura própria da documentação sobre o mesmo, considerando a literatura relacionada à juventudes, políticas e cidadania. Para tal análise, de forma suplementar, recorremos a algumas entrevistas semiestruturadas com jovens que participaram do PJU no município de Salvador em 2010. Os dados obtidos foram organizados e descritos através da análise de discurso (LEFEVRE; LEFEVRE, 2005; GILL, 2002) estabelecendo categorias de acordo com os objetivos da pesquisa. A partir desta análise constata-se a defasagem das concepções apresentadas no planejamento desse programa com o que ocorreu na prática, contribuindo para o próprio esvaziamento do conceito de cidadania, devido à pluralidade de definições. Percebe-se ainda a dificuldade das jovens entrevistadas em se reconhecerem como sujeitos-ativos, pertencentes à sociedade brasileira e responsáveis pela transformação da realidade na qual estão inseridas, o que proporciona a problematização da coerência entre estas ações do PJU e das PPJs. Desta forma, este estudo pretende contribuir com o acréscimo de material bibliográfico sobre o reconhecimento dos jovens como cidadãos, ao possibilitar a identificação de pontos de discussões para o desenvolvimento de políticas que visem o princípio da cidadania ativa, além de incentivar a construção acadêmico-científica e social sobre as juventudes brasileiras. / Faced with social inequalities evident throughout the history of Brazil, many young people are treated as a "social problem" to be contained or assisted, repeating a negative codification, not considering themselves as citizen-subjects. From the discussion on the construction of citizenship in Brazilian policies, this study aims to analyze the concept of active citizenship in the ideals of the National Youth Inclusion (Urban ProJovem - PJU) and the discussion on the scope and limits of this, as well as its practical, to conceive it as part of a Public Policy for Youth (PPJs) in this country. The aim is thus to analyze the actions developed in PJU (planning, implementation and evaluation) from 2008 to 2011, so that young people recognize their rights and duties, seek to know their rights and know how to recognize the rights of others, like members belonging to a community. This study aims to make a documental analysis referring to different moments of the program Urban ProJovem having as basic field a reading of documentation on the PJU itself, considering the literature related to youth policies and citizenship. For this analysis, so further, we turn to some semi-structured interviews with young people who participated in the PJU in Salvador in 2010. The data were organized and described through the analysis of discourse (LEFEVRE; LEFEVRE, 2005; GILL, 2002) establishing categories according to the research objectives. From this analysis it appears to lag the concepts presented in the planning of this program what occurred in practice, contributing to the actual emptying of citizenship concept because of the plurality of definitions. It is also noticed a difficulty of the young people interviewed in recognize themselves as active-subjects belonging to the Brazilian society and responsible for the transformation of reality where they are inserted, which contributes to the questioning of the coherence between these actions of the PJU and of the PPJs. Thus, this study aims to contribute to the growth of publications on the recognition of young people as citizens, by enabling to identify possible points of discussion for the development of policies aimed at the development of the principle of active citizenship and contribute to building academic- scientific and social on Brazilian youths.

A simetria existente entre o caminhar civilizatório e o constitucionalismo demostrou que os direitos fundamentais não são estanques, pelo contrário, são construídos e agregam valores, consoante os anseios que emergem do corpo social. O valor democrático rompeu os limites adstritos aos direitos políticos, ganhou as ruas, tornou-se um poder-dever que os cidadãos precisam exercitar diariamente e não apenas a cada dois anos. O ativismo contínuo da sociedade na esfera política é fundamental para a construção de um verdadeiro Estado democrático de direitos, todavia não prescinde de um processo cognitivo sólido. Nesse cenário, políticas e programas públicos enraizados em metodologias pedagógicas modernas, cientes da sistematicidade, complexidade e das interligações existentes entre as condutas dos seres vivos que compõem a comunidade global são fundamentais. Diante da intrincada e rica teia da vida é imprescindível ao homem aproximar-se do meio natural, conhecer seus princípios e aplicá-los às comunidades humanas. Ainda, necessita-se de um processo educacional enraizado em metodologias voltadas a formar cidadãos conscientes da facticidade envolta à sociedade contemporânea. Enfim, é através da democratização e qualificação do processo cognitivo que o cidadão terá as ferramentas para uma atuação ativa e qualitativa em conjunto com o poder público, estimulando e consolidando a vertente democrática do ativismo social e materializando a efetividade das normas e programas públicos sociais e ecológicos. / Submitted by Marcelo Teixeira (mvteixeira@ucs.br) on 2014-05-15T13:18:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Sergionei Correa.pdf: 1700067 bytes, checksum: 74143b8615ea0717f3501f97c36fde7b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-15T13:18:29Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Sergionei Correa.pdf: 1700067 bytes, checksum: 74143b8615ea0717f3501f97c36fde7b (MD5) / The symmetry between the civilizing walk and constitutionalism demonstrated that fundamental rights are not watertight, however, are built and aggregate values, depending on the desires that emerge from the social structure. The democratic value crossed the limits assigned to political rights, took to the streets, became a power and duty that citizens need to exercise daily and not only every two years. The company's continued activism in politics is key to building a truly democratic state of Rights, however, doesn’t prescinds from a solid cognitive process. In this scenario, public policies and programs rooted in modern teaching methodologies, aware of systematicity, complexity and interconnections between the behavior of living things that make up the global community are fundamental. Given the intricate and rich web of life is essential to man approaching the natural environment, know your principles and apply them to human communities. Finally, environmental education rooted in methodologies directed to form citizens aware of the facticity of contemporary society is an essential step in the maturation process of man. It is through democratization and qualification of the cognitive process that citizens have the tools for an active performance and qualitative together with the government, stimulating and consolidating the democratic aspect of social activism and materializing the effectiveness of standards and public social and ecological programs.