What kind of routine media and communication practices do Estonian civil society organizations enact in their everyday work? What sort of symbolic and physical spaces are used, created, and accessed by Estonian civil society organizations and informal citizen groups when engaging internally and with their target groups? How do these spaces and practices evolve over time? These are the questions this dissertation addresses, with the aim of understanding the ways in which already-established and evolving civil society organizations navigate the highly-mediated everyday through their routine media practices and the spaces in which these practices are situated. Theoretically, this study takes a cultural approach to political participation with the concept of ‘civic cultures’ (Dahlgren 2009, p. 103) in the centrum. In this dissertation, the civic cultures framework is concentrated into a focus on the everyday, on media practices, and on communicative spaces. The concepts of ‘everyday’ and ‘spaces’ are empirically accessed through a practice approach. To distill and explore the role of media in the everyday work of civil society organizations, this thesis borrows from “activist media practices” (Mattoni 2012, p. 159) framework. The empirical study is grounded in the wider geopolitical context of Eastern Europe and in the historical context of post-Soviet Europe, and more specifically in Estonian civil society. Using a multi-methods approach based on media ethnography, this study includes a nationally-representative survey, in-depth interviews with civil society organizations, and a longitudinal study of the Estonian Forest Aid movement. This study found that parallel to striving towards episodic visibility in physical spaces, in mainstream media, and in decision making, civil society organizations worked on constant visibility in the social media space. The most used social media platform, Facebook, proved to be an important space for developing civic cultures on an everyday level: it was used for campaigns, opinion shaping, for disseminating news, and for civic talk. Everyday communication within the organizations was done using a mix of different media technologies and face-to-face meetings. Each media technology and communicative space had their own role and function in the everyday work of Estonian civil society organizations.

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Cette thèse interroge le sens donné à l'évocation d'un passé de persécutions au sein du mouvement LGBT (Lesbien, Gay, Bisexuel, Trans*) en France. Ce passé, communément appréhendé dans l'espace militant par le terme de déportation pour motif d'homosexualité, désigne la répression et la persécution des homosexuels et des lesbiennes pendant la période nazie et la Seconde Guerre mondiale. À partir d'entretiens biographiques avec des militant.e.s d'une dizaine d'associations LGBT, d'observations et de dépouillement d'un corpus de productions militantes (textes emblématiques, magazines, revues, productions internes des associations) depuis les années 1970, notre travail analyse l'articulation de l'évocation de ce passé à l'engagement dans ce mouvement. D'une part, notre recherche s'appuie sur les acquis de la sociologie de la mémoire pour examiner les formes de présence de ce passé (traces, souvenirs, évocations et commémorations) dans la sphère militante LGBT où il se transmet par divers canaux. D'autre part, nous nous appuyons sur la sociologie du militantisme. Mobilisant la notion de « carrière militante », nous examinons les logiques d'un engagement basé sur la référence à ce passé et les raisons d'agir des militant.e.s qui s'investissent dans des actions visant à faire reconnaître officiellement la déportation pour motif d'homosexualité. Tout d'abord, une analyse des discours et des pratiques liés au rappel de ce passé dans l'histoire du militantisme LGBT montre que les références communes élaborées autour de ce passé participent à la formation d'un registre d'engagement singulier. Il conjugue les évocations du passé de persécution avec la problématisation de l'expérience homosexuelle dans le présent. Les formes d'action et les dispositifs déployés par les militant.e.s LGBT pour inscrire le récit de cette déportation au sein des récits publics, notamment à travers l'investissement de la « Journée du souvenir des victimes et des héros de la déportation », se modifient au cours de l'histoire du militantisme LGBT. Ces transformations dépendent des contextes d'interaction avec la sphère des entrepreneurs de mémoire institutionnalisés et de l'évolution des politiques publiques de la mémoire. Les transformations historiques des actions visant l'inscription de la déportation pour motif d'homosexualité au sein des récits publics et l'hétérogénéité des carrières militantes de personnes impliquées dans ce processus rendent ainsi possible une analyse des évocations du passé dans leur complexité, qui s'écarte de celles, encore très courantes, qui appréhendent ces pratiques et discours en termes de « concurrence ». Ensuite, l'analyse des carrières militantes met en évidence que le processus de socialisation militante opère comme un vecteur de transmission et d'identification. Dans la sphère militante, la mémoire empruntée des enquêté.e.s interagit avec d'autres sources : d'une part, les souvenirs des rares survivants de la déportation pour motif d'homosexualité, d'autre part, les mémoires communes militantes produites au cours des luttes pour la mise en visibilité de ce passé ainsi que la mémoire historique en lien avec cette époque, construite par les militant.e.s au long de l'histoire du mouvement LGBT. Pour l'individu qui se socialise au sein des associations étudiées, le sens de l'évocation de ce passé s'élabore en interaction avec ces différents niveaux de la mémoire. Dans ce processus, les expériences individuelles de discrimination et d'homophobie peuvent être mises en perspective et historicisées en se référant à ce passé. L'investissement dans ce registre d'engagement et la construction du sens de son engagement reposent sur plusieurs facteurs : pluralité des expériences socialisatrices, caractéristiques des espaces d'engagement, engagements multiples des militant.e.s. Recourant à de multiples dispositifs, les militant.e.s aspirent à transmettre ce passé et d'y sensibiliser les gays et les lesbiennes et un public plus large. / This thesis examines the meaning given to past persecutions in the LGBT (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans*) in France. This past, commonly understood in activist spaces by the term, deportation for reason of homosexuality, denotes the repression and persecution of homosexuals and lesbians during the Nazi period of the Second World War. Based on biographical interviews with activists from French LGBT organizations, observations and the analysis of a body of activist work (key texts, magazines, journals and internal activist writings) since the 1970s, our study analyzes the ways in which the evocation of this past is linked to the involvement in this movement. First, our study relies on the field of the sociology of memory in order to examine the present forms of this past (traces, memories, evocations and commemorations) in the LGBT activist sphere where it gets transmitted in different ways. Second, we rely on the field of the sociology of activism. Using the notion of "activist career" we examine the logics of an activist based on reference to this past and the reasons for being activists that are part of gaining official recognition of the deportation for reason of homosexuality. First of all, an analysis of these discourses and practices linked to the reminder of this past in the history of LGBT activism shows that the common references made about this past contribute to the formation of a singular register of commitment. This register structures the references to the past of persecution with the problematizing of the homosexual experience in the present. The forms of activism and the apparatuses deployed by LGBT activists to inscribe this specific deportation into public deportation narratives, particularly around the "Remembrance Day of the Victims and Heroes of Deportation" change throughout the history of LGBT activism. These shifts depend on the contexts of interacting with the sphere of institutionalized memory entrepreneurs and public policies of memory. Historical transformations of actions aiming at inscribing the deportation for being homosexual in public narratives as well as the heterogeneity of activists' careers implicated in this process thus render possible an analysis of evocations of the past in their complexity, that differ from the main analyses which understand these practices and discourses in terms of "competition". Furthermore, the analysis of activist careers shows that the activist socialization process operates as a vector of transmission and identification. Within the activist space, the borrowed memories of the interviewed activists interact with other sources: the memories of rare survivors of the deportation for being homosexual, but also the common activist memories produced in the struggles for visibility of this past, as well as the historical memory that activists have constructed of this time period. For the individual who is socialized through the organizations studied, the meaning given to the evocation of this past grows in close connection with different levels of memory. In this process, individual experiences of discrimination and homophobia can be put in perspective and historicized with reference to this past. The investment in this register of commitment and the construction of meaning for one's own commitment rely on several factors: the plurality of socializing experiences, the characteristics of the spaces of activism, and multiple forms of activist involvement. Using multiple apparatuses, activists seek to transmit this past and sensitize not only gays and lesbians but also a larger public.

Essa dissertação se propõe a analisar os grupos ativistas, buscando entender de que maneira tem se dado sua atuação nos espaços públicos da cidade de São Paulo e como o poder público vem se articulando com esses novos atores sociais. Para isso, a pesquisa trata do surgimento e do desenvolvimento desses grupos, além de analisar as atuações de dois grupos ativistas: o coletivo Ocupe & Abrace, que luta pela preservação da Praça da Nascente, e o Organismo Parque Augusta, que reivindica a consolidação do Parque Augusta. Assim, o trabalho pretende trazer reflexões sobre o movimento ativista urbano e como ele pode contribuir para o debate sobre as cidades contemporâneas. Palavras- / This dissertation offers an analysis on activist groups and seeks to understand how they act in public spaces of the city of São Paulo and how the authorities are engaging with these new social actors. For this, the research traces the emergence and development of these groups and analyzes two current activist groups: the \"Ocupe & Abrace\" (occupy and embrace), who fights for the preservation of the Nascente Square, and the \"Organismo Parque Augusta\" (Park Augusta Organism), who defends the full recognition of the Augusta Park. Hence, the essay reflects over the urban activist movement and how it can contribute to the debate on contemporary cities.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2016-08-18T13:57:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiane da Silva Reginaldo.pdf: 11624647 bytes, checksum: b567c5ecfdae2ff830e89c7103a445dd (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T13:57:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fabiane da Silva Reginaldo.pdf: 11624647 bytes, checksum: b567c5ecfdae2ff830e89c7103a445dd (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The overall aim of this piece of research is discussing the political role of English language teachers in a state school. The focus is discussing how far the teaching practices adopted by the teacher-researcher can be described as activist, making for critical literacy contexts, citizenship and empowerment of students when working with family as a topic.The participants of the research were nineteen 6th graders at a public school as well as the teacher-researcher. The corpus consists of video recording excerpts which were produced during the lessons in which the teaching material used has been designed by the teacher-researcher. This work subscribes to the area of Critical and Transgressive Applied Linguistics (RAJAGOPALAN, 2003; PENNYCOOK, 2006) and is grounded on the Socio-Historical Cultural Theory (VYGOTSKY 1934 2000). The theorical and methodological framework used was the Critical Collaborative Research (MAGALHAES 1994, 2001, 2012), which characterizes it as interventionist because it focuses on understanding and transforming the participants' actions at school, guided by matters of ethics, empowerment and critical citizenship (MAGALHAES, 2012).As supported by Rajagopalan (2008), this work rejects the notion that the only aim of teaching and learning English is preparing students for a different culture. In this sense, this work brings about a discussion based on the multiliteracies perspective (ROJO, 2009, 2012, KALANTZIS e COPE, 2008, 2013) as it poses questions about teaching choices which take into account the students' socio-historical backgrounds and also questions stemming from the contemporary world.The results show that the teaching practice, based on materials designed by the teacher-researcher, provided a context for citizenship and learning of English through practices relevant to the students' lives as it connects school and society and makes room for active and critical participation / Esta pesquisa tem o objetivo geral de discutir o papel político do professor em um contexto de ensino-aprendizagem de língua inglesa em escola pública. O foco está em discutir em que medida as práticas docentes de uma professora-pesquisadora de língua inglesa caracterizam-se como ativistas criando um contexto de letramento crítico, constituição cidadã e empoderamento dos alunos por meio do tema família. Os participantes desta pesquisa são 19 alunos de uma turma do 6º ano do ensino fundamental de uma escola da rede municipal de ensino e a professora pesquisadora. O corpus é formado por excertos de vídeo-gravações que foram produzidos durante as aulas em que um material didático elaborado pela professorapesquisadora foi utilizado. Esta investigação está inserida no campo da Linguística Aplicada Crítica e Transgressiva (RAJAGOPALAN, 2003; PENNYCOOK, 2006) e embasada na Teoria Sócio-Histórico-Cultural (VYGOTSKY, [1934] 2000). Situa-se no quadro teórico-metodológico da Pesquisa Crítica de Colaboração (MAGALHÃES 1994, 2001, 2012), caracterizando-se como intervencionista, pois o foco está na compreensão e transformação de modos de agir dos participantes nos contextos escolares, pautados em questões de justiça, empoderamento e cidadania crítica (MAGALHÃES, 2012). Em consonância com Rajagopalan (2008), este trabalho se distancia da concepção de que a única meta de ensino-aprendizagem de língua inglesa é preparar o aluno para uma cultura diferente. Nessa direção, propõe uma discussão com base na perspectiva dos multiletramentos (ROJO, 2009, 2012; KALANTZIS e COPE,2008, 2013) ao levantar questões relacionadas a alternativas docentes que levem em consideração o contexto sócio-histórico dos alunos e questões emergentes da contemporaneidade. Os resultados mostram que a prática docente, a partir de um material didático elaborado pela professora-pesquisadora, propiciou um contexto de constituição de cidadania e de empoderamento aos alunos frente ao tema família. Também apontam para a possibilidade de apropriação da língua inglesa por meio de práticas que foram relevantes para a vida dos alunos ao relacionar escola e sociedade e criar espaços de participação ativa e crítica

The anthropology of public policy critically examines policy and its processes and the myriad ways in which power is exercised. To explore these power dynamics, anthropologists studying policy often study up, or study through a particular policy field. This entails the risky work of studying powerful people, whose ability to retaliate against the researcher and others create methodological and ethical dilemmas and contradictions, as well as potentially harmful consequences. Politicians, bureaucrats, employees of powerful non-profits, and, in the public-private neoliberal reality, even the head decision makers within corporations are all prospective research participants--an intimidating prospect for most anthropologists. In contrast, engaged ethnography, with its presupposition that researchers will be aligned with politically marginalized groups, encourages the researcher to engage on a more transparent, reflexive, and expressly positioned level that attempts to make the researcher more exposed, thus equalizing the power differentials between the researcher and the researched. The inherent contradictions between engaged ethnography and studying up create a situation ripe for methodological and ethical dilemmas, but also for breaking new theoretical ground. This paper will critically examine my experiences with a dominant community development corporation involved in housing and urban development. As such, the purpose of this thesis is twofold. First, I aim to explore the theoretical contradictions, ethical dilemmas, and methodological quandaries that arise from pairing engaged anthropology with the studying up required by the anthropology of public policy. The aim of this query is to show how the difficulties that arose during my thesis research project expose gaps within each body of literature. Second, I hope to present engaging-up as a promising (not just problematic) method that can be employed to better understand a myriad of topical interests of anthropology. Because of its promise, it is important to document this failed attempt so that others may be better prepared. As such, my hope is that my consideration of the contradictions that were unable to be overcome will be described with enough ethnographic clarity and framed in broad enough methodological terms as to be helpful to other engaged ethnographers.

This dissertation aims to extend entrepreneurship theory to also comprise entrepreneurship in non-profit organizations in civil society. Entrepreneurship is claimed to be highly relevant also to this non-profit setting. Since entrepreneurship theory is highly embedded in an economic discourse and a business setting there is, however, a need to elaborate on the two different frameworks. The analysis of this study is grounded in an empirical study of the entrepreneurial process of Attac Sweden. The study has been conducted with a narrative approach. In this dissertation entrepreneurship theory is re-contextualized in the framework of non-profit organizations. The paradox of profit versus non-profit is elaborated on as well as the dilemmas of opportunities, legitimacy and the bounding of the new organization. The analysis of this study shows that the discussion on opportunities in entrepreneurship theory is highly relevant also in the case of Attac Sweden. However, this study suggests to supplement the discussion on opportunities with a discussion of ‘necessities’ to relate to perceived convictions to engage and to act. This study further shows and elaborates on the close connections between the process by which entrepreneurship becomes and other group formations in society. The organization created through the entrepreneurial process becomes an actor in civil society challenging established practices and norms. However, the entrepreneurial process also reaches beyond the creation of an organization. In this dissertation an alternative framework for entrepreneurship, based on a social process of organizing, is developed. This framework connects the entrepreneurial process to group dynamics as well as to social movements and articulation of disclosing stories in society.

Since 2002, the Canadian state has mandatorily tested applicants for permanent residence for HIV (Human immune deficiency virus). The policy and practices associated with this screening have never been critically scrutinized. Authoritative claims about what happens in the conduct of the immigration medical examination are at odds with the experience of immigrant applicants living with HIV. This is the analytic entry point into this inquiry that is organized within the theoretical and methodological frame offered by institutional ethnography and political activist ethnography. Analysis is connected to broader research literatures and the historical record. The goal of this study is to produce detailed, contextualized understandings of the social and ruling relations that organize the lives of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. These are generated from the material conditions of their lives. An assumption about how organization happens is the social and reflexive production of knowledge in people’s day-to-day lives through which connections between local and extra-local settings are empirically investigable. I investigate the organization of the Canadian immigration process. How is this institutional complex ordered and governed? How is immigration mandatory HIV testing organized, and with what consequences to HIV-positive applicants to Canada? This is a text-mediated organization where all the sites are connected by people’s work and the texts they circulate. The positive result of an immigration HIV test catalyzes the state’s collection of medical data about an applicant. These are entered into state decision-making about the person’s in/admissibility to Canada. I focus on a key component of the immigration process, which is medical examination and HIV testing with this, along with the HIV test counselling practices that happen (or not) there. The reported absence of the latter form of care causes problems and contradictions for people. This investigation adopts the standpoint of these persons to investigate their problems associated with HIV testing. The main empirically supported argument I make is that the Canadian state’s ideological work related to the HIV policy and mandatory screening ushers in a set of institutional practices that are highly problematic for immigrants with HIV. This argument relies on data collected in interviews, focus groups, observations, and analysis of texts organized under Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (S.C., 2001, c. 27) and textually mediated, discursively organized concepts that shape people’s practice. Canadian immigration medical policy makers should make use of these findings, as should civil society activists acting on behalf of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. I make nine specific recommendations for future action on HIV and immigration in Canada.

Since 2002, the Canadian state has mandatorily tested applicants for permanent residence for HIV (Human immune deficiency virus). The policy and practices associated with this screening have never been critically scrutinized. Authoritative claims about what happens in the conduct of the immigration medical examination are at odds with the experience of immigrant applicants living with HIV. This is the analytic entry point into this inquiry that is organized within the theoretical and methodological frame offered by institutional ethnography and political activist ethnography. Analysis is connected to broader research literatures and the historical record. The goal of this study is to produce detailed, contextualized understandings of the social and ruling relations that organize the lives of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. These are generated from the material conditions of their lives. An assumption about how organization happens is the social and reflexive production of knowledge in people’s day-to-day lives through which connections between local and extra-local settings are empirically investigable. I investigate the organization of the Canadian immigration process. How is this institutional complex ordered and governed? How is immigration mandatory HIV testing organized, and with what consequences to HIV-positive applicants to Canada? This is a text-mediated organization where all the sites are connected by people’s work and the texts they circulate. The positive result of an immigration HIV test catalyzes the state’s collection of medical data about an applicant. These are entered into state decision-making about the person’s in/admissibility to Canada. I focus on a key component of the immigration process, which is medical examination and HIV testing with this, along with the HIV test counselling practices that happen (or not) there. The reported absence of the latter form of care causes problems and contradictions for people. This investigation adopts the standpoint of these persons to investigate their problems associated with HIV testing. The main empirically supported argument I make is that the Canadian state’s ideological work related to the HIV policy and mandatory screening ushers in a set of institutional practices that are highly problematic for immigrants with HIV. This argument relies on data collected in interviews, focus groups, observations, and analysis of texts organized under Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (S.C., 2001, c. 27) and textually mediated, discursively organized concepts that shape people’s practice. Canadian immigration medical policy makers should make use of these findings, as should civil society activists acting on behalf of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. I make nine specific recommendations for future action on HIV and immigration in Canada.

This is a study of the trade union journal for female blue collar women in Sweden, Arbetets Kvinnor, between 1927 and 1931. The purpose is to examine how a female trade union activist's constructs collective identity by those notions of social class, sex, and moral values that are articulated in the journal. The main theoretical basis is Alberto Melucci's analysis where he argues that a collective identity in social movements is made in an interaction between individuals, where the action possibilities and limits are defined. Another purpose is how the female blue collar worker's resistance and/or adaption to the male hegemonic trade union and the bourgeoisie hegemonic society are presented. The essay shows how the collective identity is made of both historical and contemporary images of the working class women as workers and trade union activists. It also shows that the identity is based on an international class struggle in which the labour women walk hand in hand with the labour men, embracing social democratic ideas. The conception of the woman of the labour class is multifaceted, for example she is pictured as a class comrade and simultaneously as a one whose main purpose is motherhood. Arbetets Kvinnor shows that the trade unionist women bid the bourgeoisie dominance resistance and it also depicts the women making opposition to the male hegemony in the trade union. The moral values that are presented are solidarity, responsibility and the urge of education into making the goal of an equal society possible to reach.