With camera, smart phone, and wireless connection to a worldwide distribution source on a single device that fits in your pocket, now billions of citizens are able to become sousveillant micro-media activist – in real time. This case study investigates purposive texts in detail from over 50 hours of live and archived streaming video webcasts taken from geographically diverse sites. The goal is to explore how this tool is being used by videographers in a complex 21st century social movement. My sample video texts were gathered in late February and early March 2012 as the Occupy Movement stirred to life after a relatively quiet winter (from the corporate media’s point-of-view). In this project, I examine how Occupy’s use of live-streaming video combines “mediated co-presence” (Giddens 1984; Ito 2005) with “networked autonomy” (Castells 2011) to represent the ambivalent face of a complex, postmodern movement for social justice. / text

Supervisors: Luis Urrieta and Noah De Lissovoy This qualitative and sociohistorical study examines the lives and experiences of Chicana/o educators in Texas and the ideological and political discourses of equity and social justice that they draw from to shape their practice in three educational sites: the Llano Grande Center (LGC), Red Salmon Arts/Resistencia Bookstore (RSA), and the Advanced Seminar in Chicana/o Research (ASCR). I document their work based on the oral narratives of fifteen educators, site document analysis, and ethnographic work I conducted as observant participant associated with these organizations. This project extends recent scholarship that links critical pedagogy, social and cultural theories of identity formation and new social movement scholarship to understand the multiple cultural, social and political dimensions of activist education. My principal findings indicate new senses of individual and collective identity practice, reframed critical and culturally relevant pedagogies, and a reconceptualization of indigenous discourse and practice. These findings have important implications for activists, educators and researchers by rearticulating scholar activist work in new more emancipatory ways that considers place-based models of critical and cultural relevant teaching and learning and more radically democratic research practices. / text

Since 2002, the Canadian state has mandatorily tested applicants for permanent residence for HIV (Human immune deficiency virus). The policy and practices associated with this screening have never been critically scrutinized. Authoritative claims about what happens in the conduct of the immigration medical examination are at odds with the experience of immigrant applicants living with HIV. This is the analytic entry point into this inquiry that is organized within the theoretical and methodological frame offered by institutional ethnography and political activist ethnography. Analysis is connected to broader research literatures and the historical record. The goal of this study is to produce detailed, contextualized understandings of the social and ruling relations that organize the lives of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. These are generated from the material conditions of their lives. An assumption about how organization happens is the social and reflexive production of knowledge in people’s day-to-day lives through which connections between local and extra-local settings are empirically investigable. I investigate the organization of the Canadian immigration process. How is this institutional complex ordered and governed? How is immigration mandatory HIV testing organized, and with what consequences to HIV-positive applicants to Canada? This is a text-mediated organization where all the sites are connected by people’s work and the texts they circulate. The positive result of an immigration HIV test catalyzes the state’s collection of medical data about an applicant. These are entered into state decision-making about the person’s in/admissibility to Canada. I focus on a key component of the immigration process, which is medical examination and HIV testing with this, along with the HIV test counselling practices that happen (or not) there. The reported absence of the latter form of care causes problems and contradictions for people. This investigation adopts the standpoint of these persons to investigate their problems associated with HIV testing. The main empirically supported argument I make is that the Canadian state’s ideological work related to the HIV policy and mandatory screening ushers in a set of institutional practices that are highly problematic for immigrants with HIV. This argument relies on data collected in interviews, focus groups, observations, and analysis of texts organized under Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (S.C., 2001, c. 27) and textually mediated, discursively organized concepts that shape people’s practice. Canadian immigration medical policy makers should make use of these findings, as should civil society activists acting on behalf of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. I make nine specific recommendations for future action on HIV and immigration in Canada.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2008. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Par une contestation radicale du patriarcat et visant une « libération des femmes », les mouvements féministes qui se développent dans les années 1970 ont contribué à remettre en question les rapports de genre dans de nombreux domaines. À partir d’une recherche combinant travail sur archives, enquête par questionnaire et entretiens, la thèse prend pour objet l’engagement de femmes dans ces mobilisations en France. Elle vise à comprendre comment la participation à ce mouvement social – caractérisé par la politisation de la sphère privée – a transformé les trajectoires de militantes « ordinaires » et celles de leurs enfants. Au moyen d’une approche localisée et comparée, la thèse analyse d’abord les contextes militants dans lesquels les féministes ont circulé et ont été socialisées. Retraçant les mobilisations féministes qui se déploient à Lyon et à Grenoble entre 1970 et 1984, elle revisite l’histoire des féminismes français de la « deuxième vague ». Étudiant ensuite les carrières militantes des féministes, la thèse montre les effets socialisateurs durables de ces engagements et leur empreinte sur les différentes sphères de leur vie. Des analyses séquentielles permettent de mettre au jour leurs principaux devenirs jusqu’à aujourd’hui, sur le plan politique comme sur le plan personnel. Resserrant la focale d’analyse sur les féministes devenues mères, l’enquête révèle finalement par quels pratiques et processus une transmission familiale du féminisme s’est opérée et quels héritages politiques en résultent chez les enfants. Elle dégage plusieurs facteurs pour comprendre les appropriations différenciées de ces héritages parmi la deuxième génération. / The feminist movements that arose in the 1970’s, promoting a radical contestation of patriarchy and committed to “women’s liberation”, helped challenge gender relations in many areas. Built upon an empirical research that combines archival work, questionnaires and interviews, my dissertation focuses on the women who took part in these mobilizations in France. It aims to understand how the involvement in this movement, characterised by the politicization of the private sphere, transformed “common” activists’ trajectories and those of their children. Using a local and comparative approach, this work first analyses the contexts in which the feminists evolved and were socialised. By tracing the feminist mobilizations that unfolded in Lyons and Grenoble between 1970 and 1984, it also revisits the history of the “second wave” French women’s movements. The study of the feminists’ activist careers then highlights the lasting socialising effects of their commitments and the impact they had on different areas of their life. Likewise, the use of sequence analysis reveals the trajectories they followed until present day, both from a political and personal prospect. Finally, a deeper focus on the activists who became mothers uncovers how intergenerational transmission of feminism occurred and which political contents the children inherited. In particular, this dissertation proposes several factors that help understand the differentiated appropriations of this heritage among the second generation.

La thèse se positionne au croisement de la problématique de la publicisation des problèmes sociaux et de celle de la transformation des engagements militants. La recherche entend expliquer, par une double approche locale et internationale, l’essor de la participation associative depuis les années 1970 dans les quartiers populaires urbains situés en périphérie de Paris et de Buenos Aires. La première partie est consacrée à l’analyse des théories politiques du fait associatif et à leur insertion au sein d’une sociologie empirique de la participation associative. La généalogie de la notion de société civile est mise en relation avec l’avènement de la démocratie moderne afin d’inscrire l’essor associatif des dernières décennies dans une perspective historique de longue portée. Notre approche de la participation associative est ensuite explicitée en référence à trois grandes thématiques du fait associatif : le tiers secteur, le capital social et l’engagement militant.La deuxième partie articule la participation associative avec les transformations socio-économiques des classes populaires et le développement des politiques sociales territorialisées. L’analyse d’une association dans le territoire français illustre d’abord les possibilités offertes par la désagrégation du système politique communiste des « banlieues rouges » et l’intervention croissante de l’État dans les quartiers populaires au travers de la politique de la ville. L’étude de l’activité et du fonctionnement de cette association, des années 1980 aux années 2000, met en lumière à la fois la capacité des acteurs à s’auto-organiser en référence à un problème public local et les tensions générées par la relation partenariale avec les pouvoirs publics. En Argentine, les conséquences de la fragilisation de la société salariale sur les formes de sociabilités populaires dans la périphérie urbaine de Buenos Aires sont analysées au travers d’une association qui s’inscrit dans le prolongement du mouvement social des travailleurs au chômage (piqueteros). Le rôle d’intermédiaire des politiques sociales joué par cette association permet de questionner les liens qui unissent ces organisations populaires aux pouvoirs publics et le possible redéploiement des réseaux politiques clientélaires du péronisme.La troisième partie s’attache à analyser la participation associative en relation avec les évolutions des principaux partis politiques des classes populaires et les changements intervenus dans les configurations politiques locales. Dans le cas français, les phénomènes de désengagement communiste et de désarticulation des « organisations satellites » du parti sont intégrés à l’analyse d’une association regroupant d’anciens militants communistes. Les trajectoires de ces militants et le fonctionnement de cette association permettent de cerner les raisons d’un changement dans les formes d’engagement et de s’interroger sur le processus d’autonomisation des associations locales à l’égard des systèmes politiques. Dans le cas argentin, la recomposition des liens entre le parti justicialiste et les classes populaires est questionnée au travers de l’analyse d’une association fondée par des militants péronistes dans le contexte d’un discrédit des institutions politiques. L’adaptation de ces militants politiques à la forme associative illustre les changements dans les modalités d’engagement et permet une réflexion sur la proximité entre les associations locales et les partis politiques. / This thesis is situated at the intersection of two historical phenomena: the publicization of social problems and the transformation of activist commitment. The research undertaken has sought to explain, through an approach that is both local and international in scope, the rise of grassroots volunteering since the 1970s in working-class urban neighborhoods on the periphery of Paris and Buenos Aires. The first part presents an analysis of the various political theories which relate to the voluntary movement, and discusses their place within an empirical sociological study of grassroots volunteering. The intellectual genealogy of the notion of civil society is considered in relation to the appearance of modern democracy, in order to situate the rise of volunteerism in recent decades within a larger historical perspective. Attention is given to the emergence of three characteristic themes: the third sector, social capital, and activism. The second part relates volunteerism to socio-economic transformations within the working class and to the development of social policy at the local community level. The study of grassroots organization in France reveals the importance of possibilities created by the breakdown of the communist political system in certain Paris suburbs (banlieues rouges) along with increased state intervention in working-class neighborhoods through urban policy initiatives. An analysis of the activities and the workings of the grassroots organizations which appeared in these neighborhoods between the 1980s and the 2000s, reveals that these organizations had the capacity to self-organize for the purpose of addressing public problems at a local level, and that tensions resulted from partnership arrangements with local public authorities. In Argentina, consequences of the labor society’s weakening in terms of working-class social solidarity in neighborhoods on the outskirts of Buenos Aires are analyzed through the prism of grassroots organizations operating in the wake of social movements among unemployed workers (piqueteros). The grassroots organization’s role as an intermediary for social policy raises questions concerning the link between these popular movements and public authorities, and the possible redeployment of Peronist corporatism. The third part relates volunteer participation to historical transformations within the principal working-class political parties and to the changes observed in the local political landscape. In France, popular withdrawal from communism and the disassociation of the Party’s former “satellite organizations” are considered through an analysis of a grassroots organization composed primarily of former communist partisans. Their personal trajectories as activists, as well as the workings of their organization, reveal the causes of a change in the operative forms of political commitment and give rise to questions concerning the processes by which these local organizations are made autonomous of political systems. In Argentina, new links emerging between the Justicialist party and the working class are considered through the study of an organization founded by Peronist partisans in a context where political institutions are represented as lacking legitimacy. The adaptation of these political activists to grassroots volunteerism is likewise indicative of changes in the operative forms of political commitment and gives rise to questions concerning the proximity between grassroots organizations and political parties.

L’activisme actionnarial en France est un phénomène relativement récent comparé aux pays anglo-saxons. Les actionnaires activistes sont de plus en plus présents dans les entreprises françaises. Leur introduction dans le capital d’une société constitue une menace pour certains dirigeants, insoucieux des normes de bonne gouvernance et privilégiant leurs intérêts au détriment de ceux des autres actionnaires. Les moyens dont disposent les actionnaires et particulièrement les actionnaires minoritaires pour exercer un contrôle sur la direction diffèrent selon les pays. Cette différence s’explique par le degré de protection des actionnaires minoritaires et la réglementation en vigueur. En France, le recours aux projets de résolution externes par les actionnaires, constitue un des moyens disponibles pour contrôler les dirigeants et les obliger à maximiser la valeur actionnariale et servir les intérêts des actionnaires. Notre thèse étudie l’impact des projets de résolution sur la performance boursière des entreprises françaises, entre 2002 et 2015 et présente les déterminants de réussite d’une résolution déposée en Assemblée Générale. / Shareholder activism in France is relatively a new phenomenon compared to the Anglo-Saxons countries. Activist shareholders are increasingly present in French companies. Their introduction into the capital of a company is a threat to some managers, heedless of standards of good governance and favoring their interests over those of other shareholders. The tools used by shareholders (especially minority shareholders) to exercise control over the management are different from one country to another. This difference can be explained by the degree of protection of minority shareholders and the regulatory framework. In France, submitting an external resolution by activist shareholders, allows them to control the board of directors and force them to maximize shareholder value and serve their interests. Our study investigates the impact of proposals on the market performance of French listed companies between 2002 and 2015 and presents the determinants of success of submitting resolutions at General Annual Meetings.

Essa dissertação se propõe a analisar os grupos ativistas, buscando entender de que maneira tem se dado sua atuação nos espaços públicos da cidade de São Paulo e como o poder público vem se articulando com esses novos atores sociais. Para isso, a pesquisa trata do surgimento e do desenvolvimento desses grupos, além de analisar as atuações de dois grupos ativistas: o coletivo Ocupe & Abrace, que luta pela preservação da Praça da Nascente, e o Organismo Parque Augusta, que reivindica a consolidação do Parque Augusta. Assim, o trabalho pretende trazer reflexões sobre o movimento ativista urbano e como ele pode contribuir para o debate sobre as cidades contemporâneas. Palavras- / This dissertation offers an analysis on activist groups and seeks to understand how they act in public spaces of the city of São Paulo and how the authorities are engaging with these new social actors. For this, the research traces the emergence and development of these groups and analyzes two current activist groups: the \"Ocupe & Abrace\" (occupy and embrace), who fights for the preservation of the Nascente Square, and the \"Organismo Parque Augusta\" (Park Augusta Organism), who defends the full recognition of the Augusta Park. Hence, the essay reflects over the urban activist movement and how it can contribute to the debate on contemporary cities.

Studiens syfte är att se hur sociala rörelser och stater interagerar, samt hur dialogen ser ut inom respektive part. Frågeställningarna som syftar till att fånga det är således; Hur ser relationen mellan sociala rörelser och stater ut, och hur påverkar var sidas val av strategier motpartens handlingsmönster? Samt; Vilka interna strategier inom kampanj respektive stat är mest framträdande? För att undersöka det har två kampanjer valts ut, Fees Must Fall i Sydafrika och Fund Our Future i Storbritannien. Vidare har nyhetsartiklar valts från sammanlagt nio av ländernas mest lästa nyhetstidningar. Fyra teoretiska ingångar fått vägleda analysarbetet; radical flank effect, symbolic damage, protest policing och eventful protest. Dessa är alla analytiska verktyg som hjälper oss förstå de mångfacetterade dimensionerna som existerar parallellt inom sociala rörelser och statens arbete. Den samlade tidigare forskningen har utforskat specifika delar av de nämnda begreppen, men däremot har aspekternas samverkande förmåga inte tidigare studerats. Studiens resultat visar att våldsamma aktioner ofta leds av radikala demonstranter. Dessa leder ofta inte enbart till stor medial uppmärksamhet, utan kan beroende på kontext förändra sociala rörelser och statens interna strategiska struktur. Det innebär även att fredliga aktioner ofta hamnar i skymundan, vilket bidrar till att befästa uppfattningen om att våld krävs för att sociala rörelsers syfte ska synas. Även stater kan uppleva sig nödgade att använda våldsamma strategier i mötet med demonstranter. Vidare visar resultaten på att det finns en interaktiv dynamik mellan kampanjer och stater, som även visar på aktörskap inom respektive part.

Since 2002, the Canadian state has mandatorily tested applicants for permanent residence for HIV (Human immune deficiency virus). The policy and practices associated with this screening have never been critically scrutinized. Authoritative claims about what happens in the conduct of the immigration medical examination are at odds with the experience of immigrant applicants living with HIV. This is the analytic entry point into this inquiry that is organized within the theoretical and methodological frame offered by institutional ethnography and political activist ethnography. Analysis is connected to broader research literatures and the historical record. The goal of this study is to produce detailed, contextualized understandings of the social and ruling relations that organize the lives of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. These are generated from the material conditions of their lives. An assumption about how organization happens is the social and reflexive production of knowledge in people’s day-to-day lives through which connections between local and extra-local settings are empirically investigable. I investigate the organization of the Canadian immigration process. How is this institutional complex ordered and governed? How is immigration mandatory HIV testing organized, and with what consequences to HIV-positive applicants to Canada? This is a text-mediated organization where all the sites are connected by people’s work and the texts they circulate. The positive result of an immigration HIV test catalyzes the state’s collection of medical data about an applicant. These are entered into state decision-making about the person’s in/admissibility to Canada. I focus on a key component of the immigration process, which is medical examination and HIV testing with this, along with the HIV test counselling practices that happen (or not) there. The reported absence of the latter form of care causes problems and contradictions for people. This investigation adopts the standpoint of these persons to investigate their problems associated with HIV testing. The main empirically supported argument I make is that the Canadian state’s ideological work related to the HIV policy and mandatory screening ushers in a set of institutional practices that are highly problematic for immigrants with HIV. This argument relies on data collected in interviews, focus groups, observations, and analysis of texts organized under Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (S.C., 2001, c. 27) and textually mediated, discursively organized concepts that shape people’s practice. Canadian immigration medical policy makers should make use of these findings, as should civil society activists acting on behalf of immigrants to Canada living with HIV. I make nine specific recommendations for future action on HIV and immigration in Canada.