Au Maroc, l’insertion professionnelle des jeunes diplômés est problématique. Lors des décennies qui suivent l’indépendance, cette catégorie sociale fait valoir sa formation pour obtenir un emploi dans un secteur public alors en pleine expansion. Un tel débouché consolide une représentation du diplôme comme voie infaillible de promotion sociale. Or, l’application des mesures d’ajustement structurel, à partir de 1983, freine de façon drastique le rythme d’insertion dans la fonction publique. Mis à mal, l’Etat employeur n’est pas relayé par un secteur privé, au demeurant incapable d’assurer la stabilité sociale afférente aux emplois publics.Depuis la fin des années 1980, des « diplômés chômeurs » s’organisent dans des structures militantes pour revendiquer collectivement leur insertion dans la fonction publique. Leurs demandes donnent lieu à diverses formes d’action : marches, sit-in, grèves de la faim, occupations de bâtiments ou lobbying direct auprès des responsables publics. Le discours collectif met en avant le statut de diplômé et l’ « injustice » implicite au chômage de cette catégorie. Devenue une constante de la scène protestataire, la mobilisation des diplômés chômeurs est parvenue à se stabiliser dans une version apparemment « apolitique ». Son efficacité est imprévisible mais réelle, au regard des postes d’emploi accordés aux militants, ce qui entretient une disponibilité de candidats pour le passage à l’acte. L’efficacité de la mobilisation tient aux modalités d’insertion des protestations dans l’arène politique marocaine, faisant du « diplômé chômeur » l’objet d’usages disparates.En tant que catégorie sociologique et acteur protestataire, les diplômés chômeurs incitent une pluralité d’acteurs à « faire et à dire ». Les modalités d’action et de discours des chômeurs sont en constant mouvement, altérées ou intégrées aux calculs de partis en situation de concurrence électorale, de coalitions protestataires élargies critiques à l’égard du régime, de responsables publics visant à légitimer leurs décisions, etc. Protéiforme et apparemment inépuisable, la dynamique protestataire des diplômés chômeurs nous renseigne sur les limites autoritaires des expressions de mécontentement au Maroc. Elle nous permet d’approcher les modalités de la gestion de la question sociale et les ressorts du traitement des débordements sociaux et des (potentielles) oppositions politiques. Si la gestion par la force n’a pas disparu, elle est sans doute effacée et dépassée par une approche publique qui vise à domestiquer la mobilisation protestataire. / In Morocco, educated youth faces difficulties to join the job market. After the independence in 1956, this social category use to be recruited in a growing public sector, therefore consolidating an image of the university diploma as an infallible channel of social promotion. However, structural adjustment policies, implemented since 1983, dramatically slowed down the recruitment of civil servants. The “employer-State” will barely be relieved by a private sector unable to assure the stability of public sector jobs. Since the end of the eighties, « unemployed graduates » organise themselves in mobilization structures claiming for recruitments in the public administration. They set up a wide range of actions: rallies, sit-in, hunger strikes, building occupations or lobbying actions. The collective discourse stresses the interpretation of unemployment as an « injustice » suffered by the graduates. The mobilisation of unemployed graduates has achieved a high level of stability within the contentious politics Moroccan arena. Using an apparently “apolitical” discourse, the action of the unemployed periodically succeeds in obtaining jobs. The efficacy of the collective action is to be understood as an assumption of the targets and stakes that unemployed graduates serve in the multiple scenes of the political. Action and discourse modalities are in constant movement. They are influenced (and sometimes co-opted) by parties within electoral contexts, by contentious actors within projects of opposition to the regime, and by public authorities trying to legitimize their choices. Diversified and apparently inexhaustible, the collective action of the unemployed graduates sheds some light on the authoritarian limits to the expression of collective grieves in Morocco. It enables us to observe how the social question is approached and how power deals with social unrest and potential political oppositions.

Cette thèse décrit des engagements pour la cause de personnes disparues au Liban (enlèvement, meurtre ou emprisonnement) durant la guerre civile (1975 à 1989) et les occupations militaires qui ont suivi. Certains proches – notamment des femmes – se sont publiquement engagés depuis les années 1980 pour les retrouver, désigner des responsabilités, faire entendre leurs propres droits. Alliés à d’autres acteurs, ils et elles ont inscrit leur mobilisation de manière plurielle dans l’espace politique où rares sont les dispositifs de traitement du conflit. S’est ainsi façonnée au fil des ans une cause commune malgré leur fragmentation initiale, les drames intimes et les contraintes politiques rencontrées. Le nombre de plus en plus réduit de militants n’a pas tué la cause, mais, à l’épreuve du temps, a transformé les logiques de l’action collective. Par des dispositifs de sensibilisation, l’usage d’outils juridiques et un travail mémoriel, ces militants s’efforcent de faire entendre leur souffrance, mais également de lutter contre l’oubli du conflit voire à obtenir justice. L’observation de leurs activités et l’analyse de leurs témoignages entre 2011 et 2018 m’ont permis de mesurer les effets de leur action sur la cause comme sur leur engagement. Mettre en récit les crimes passés via la formulation d’un problème d’amnésie généralisée n’a pas permis de désigner de responsabilités claires. La remémoration publique des disparus et les procédures engagées en justice par des cause-lawyers ont suscité des dilemmes tant affectifs que stratégiques. C’est finalement à une sociologie des politiques de l’après-conflit au Liban que se propose de contribuer cette thèse / This thesis describes commitments to the cause of the disappeared in Lebanon, disappearances (kidnapping, murder, detention) occurred during the Lebanese civil war (1975-1989) and the military occupations that followed. Some families of missing persons, mostly women, have been publicly committed since the 1980s to finding them, to designate responsibilities, to have their own rights heard. They allied with various actors, and their mobilizations have been embedded in the political space, where few policies focus on post-conflit resolution. These activists have forged a common cause over the years despite the fragmentation of the cases, their parents’ intimate problems and the political constraints for their struggle. The shrinking number of activists did not kill the cause but the test of time has transformed the logics of collective action. Through legal tools, memorial work and “sensitizing devices”, they sought to raise public awareness on their suffering, but also to fight against forgetfulness about the conflict and to obtain justice. Observing their activities and their testimonies between 2011 and 2018 enabled measurement of the effects of their action on their cause and on their commitment. Their telling the story of past crimes through the formulation of a problem of general amnesia did not always enabled a clear designation of responsible parties. The public remembrance of the disappeared and the legal proceedings brought by their cause-lawyers have both given rise to emotional and strategic dilemmas. In the light of the study of these mobilizations, I eventually intend in this thesis to contribute to a sociology of post-conflict politics in Lebanon

[ES] La presente tesis doctoral aborda las prácticas artísticas colaborativas en la ciudad de Valencia durante la etapa de los gobiernos del Partido Popular de la Comunidad Valenciana a las instituciones local y autonómica, es decir, entre 1991 y 2015, estableciendo este marco espacial y temporal como el contexto de esta investigación. Este pasado reciente se define por una clara connivencia del ámbito de la política con un sector económico concreto que se materializará en operaciones urbanísticas que afectarán al territorio, en general, y a ciertos barrios en particular; también hay que destacar una serie de políticas espectaculares con el objetivo de situar a Valencia al frente del turismo internacional. El despilfarro de recursos económicos vendrá a socavar el bienestar de sus habitantes y a dejar de lado muchas de las necesidades ciudadanas por carencia de inver-siones. Esta política espectacular tendrá su oposición en una serie de movimientos, grupos, asocia-ciones vecinales o colectivos culturales que tomarán la calle con sus protestas y demandas. Esta investigación ha seleccionado algunos de los grupos activistas locales más representa-tivos para profundizar en el conflicto que dio lugar a su formación, sus demandas y su tra-yectoria. De este modo se cartografiará el terreno donde se han desarrollado prácticas ac-tivistas que podemos denominar prácticas artísticas colaborativas. Por otro lado, desde la vertiente artística, esta investigación postula la pertenencia de estas prácticas como prácticas artísticas justificando esta relación según una revisión de algunas tendencias artísticas contemporáneas como pueda ser el arte activista en el cual incluire-mos qué entendemos por prácticas artísticas colaborativas. Finalmente, la investigación empírica de estas prácticas se materializará en tres tipologías analíticas diferentes con el objetivo de concluir que estas actividades activistas facilitan la visibilidad del conflicto y al mismo tiempo pueden ser una herramienta de construcción o reconstrucción de la cohesión social de un barrio o de un grupo social en particular. De acuerdo con esta idea, el estudio concluye con la selección de una serie de prácticas artísti-cas colaborativas y su definición atendiendo a los parámetros más significativos, así como la puesta en relación de estas prácticas de calle con un conjunto de obras artísticas locales, nacionales e internacionales, como ejercicio de visibilizar las influencias mutuas. / [CA] La present tesi doctoral aborda les pràctiques artístiques col·laboratives a la ciutat de València durant l'etapa dels governs del Partit Popular de la Comunitat Valenciana a les insti-tucions local i autonòmica, és a dir, entre 1991 i 2015, establint aquest marc espacial i tem-poral com el context d'aquesta investigació. Aquest passat recent es defineix per una clara connivència de l'àmbit de la política amb un sector econòmic concret que es materialitzarà en operacions urbanístiques que afectaran al territori, en general, i a certs barris en particular; també cal destacar una sèrie de políti-ques espectaculars amb l'objectiu de situar a València al capdavant del turisme internacio-nal. El balafiament de recursos econòmics vindrà a soscavar el benestar dels seus habitants i a deixar de costat moltes de les necessitats ciutadanes per manca d'inversions. Aquesta política espectacular tindrà la seua oposició en una sèrie de moviments, grups, associacions veïnals o col·lectius culturals què prendran el carrer amb les seues protestes i demandes. Aquesta investigació ha seleccionat alguns dels grups activistes locals més re-presentatius per a aprofundir en el conflicte que donà lloc a la seua formació, les seues de-mandes i la seua trajectòria. D'aquesta manera es cartografiarà el terreny on s'han desenvo-lupat pràctiques activistes que podem denominar pràctiques artístiques col·laboratives. D'altra banda, des del vesant artístic, aquesta investigació postula la pertinença d'aquestes pràctiques com a pràctiques artístiques justificant aquesta relació segons una revisió d'algunes tendències artístiques contemporànies com puga ser l'art activista en el qual in-clourem què entenem per pràctiques artístiques col·laboratives. Finalment, la investigació empírica d'aquestes pràctiques es materialitzarà en tres tipologi-es analítiques diferents amb l'objectiu de concloure que aquestes activitats activistes facili-ten la visibilitat del conflicte i al mateix temps poden ser una eina de construcció o recons-trucció de la cohesió social d'un barri o d'un grup social en particular. D'acord amb aquesta idea, l'estudi conclou amb la selecció d'una sèrie de pràctiques artístiques col·laboratives i la seua definició atenent als paràmetres més significatius així com la posada en relació d'aquestes pràctiques de carrer amb un conjunt d'obres artístiques locals, nacionals i inter-nacionals, com a exercici de visibilitzar les influències mútues. / [EN] This doctoral thesis addresses collaborative artistic practices in the city of Valencia during the stage of the governments of the Popular Party of the Valencian Community to local and regional institutions, that is, between 1991 and 2015, establishing this spatial and temporal framework as the context of this research. This recent past is defined by a clear collusion of the field of politics with a specific eco-nomic sector that will materialize in urban operations that will affect the territory, in gen-eral, and certain neighbourhoods in particular; It is also necessary to highlight a series of spectacular policies with the aim of placing Valencia at the forefront of international tour-ism. The waste of economic resources will undermine the well-being of its inhabitants and put aside many of the citizens' needs due to lack of investment. This spectacular policy will have its opposition in a series of movements, groups, neigh-bourhood associations or cultural collectives that will take to the streets with their pro-tests and demands. This research has selected some of the most representative local activ-ist groups to deepen the conflict that gave rise to their formation, their demands and their trajectory. In this way, the terrain where activist practices have developed that we can call collaborative artistic practices will be mapped. On the other hand, from the artistic perspective, this research postulates the belonging of these practices as artistic practices, justifying this relationship according to a review of some contemporary artistic trends such as activist art in which we will include what we understand by collaborative artistic practices. Finally, the empirical investigation of these practices will materialize in three different analytical typologies with the aim of concluding that these activist activities facilitate the visibility of the conflict and at the same time can be a tool for the construction or recon-struction of the social cohesion of a neighbourhood or community. a particular social group. In accordance with this idea, the study concludes with the selection of a series of collaborative artistic practices and their definition according to the most significant pa-rameters as well as the relationship of these street practices with a set of local, national artistic works. and international, as an exercise to make mutual influences visible. / Martínez Biot, B. (2022). Pràctiques artístiques col·laboratives i protesta ciutadana. Valencia: 1991-2009 [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/185191

[pt] Esta dissertação tem por objetivo analisar a peça musical West Side Story (1957) e suas adaptações fílmicas de 1961 e 2021. A pesquisa, de caráter qualitativo, toma como texto-fonte a tragédia lírica Romeu e Julieta, (1595-1596) de William Shakespeare, visando à investigação dos pontos em comum entre as quatro obras que permitem ao espectador identificar a relação entre as diferentes versões do musical e o clássico elisabetano, para então conduzir uma análise comparativa entre essas adaptações quanto às alterações na representação dos imigrantes e da narrativa acerca dos grupos rivais. Para esse fim, as fontes utilizadas por Shakespeare para a composição de Romeu e Julieta foram consultadas, bem como os elementos de outras adaptações dessa peça que, assim como West Side Story (1957, 1961 e 2021), transpuseram o enredo da obra para cenários de violência urbana, marginalidade, rivalidade, xenofobia e ineficácia ou negligência das forças policiais em lidar com esses fenômenos sociais. A pesquisa se apoia em um arcabouço teórico triplo, consistindo de Estudos da Adaptação, com os pressupostos de Linda Hutcheon (2011) e Julie Sanders (2006); Estudos Shakespearianos, com Blakemore Evans (2003), Anna Stegh Camati (2021), e Courtney Lehmann (2010); e dentro dos Estudos da Tradução, o movimento que pode ser denominado Virada Ativista, com Maria Tymoczko (2010), Mona Baker (2010) e Michaela Wolf (2012), bem como a sociologia da imigração aplicada à tradução, para se entender e analisar o cenário político da imigração nos anos 1950 em Nova York, época retratada nas produções do musical. Além dos teóricos mencionados, a dissertação faz uso da massa crítica suscitada pelas adaptações para analisar elementos de representatividade latina na escalação do elenco, na alteração de números musicais quanto à letra e o posicionamento das canções, na presença da língua espanhola em falas dos personagens latinos e nas cenas das produções, com ou sem falas, que direcionem o olhar do espectador para o imigrante e a denúncia da xenofobia entre os séculos XX e XXI. A análise do corpus indica que as escolhas feitas por Steven Spielberg na direção de West Side Story (2021) são produto de seu tempo, estando inseridas nas expectativas do contexto histórico de recepção da obra, e ressaltam o papel e a importância do tradutor e do adaptador enquanto agente de transformações e subversor de narrativas, ainda que o próprio diretor não estivesse ciente da convergência do seu projeto de adaptação com a Virada Ativista dos Estudos da Tradução. / [en] This thesis analyzes the musical West Side Story (1957) and its movie adaptations from 1961 and 2021. Taking William Shakespeare’s lyrical tragedy Romeo and Juliet (1595-1596) as the source text, one of the objectives of this qualitative research is to investigate the points of convergence between all four works that allow spectators to identify a relationship among the different versions of the musical, and the Shakespeare play. A comparative analysis is then conducted between these different adaptations to identify how they change the portrayal and representation of the immigrants, and the narrative concerning the rival groups. To this end, the sources Shakespeare used to write Romeo and Juliet were consulted, as were elements of other adaptations of this play that, like West Side Story (1957, 1961, and 2021), transpose the story to settings of urban violence, marginalization, rivalry, and xenophobia where these social phenomena are neglected or addressed ineffectually by law enforcement. This research is supported by a three-fold theoretical framework: Adaptation Studies, based on studies by Linda Hutcheon (2011) and Julie Sanders (2006); Shakespeare Studies, especially Blakemore Evans (2003), Anna Stegh Camati (2021), and Courtney Lehmann (2010); and translation scholarship from the activist turn, such as Maria Tymoczko (2010), Mona Baker (2010) and Michaela Wolf (2012). It also draws on some ideas from the sociology of immigration applied to translation in order to analyze and understand the political context of immigration in 1950s New York, the period portrayed in the three productions of West Side Story. In addition to the theoretical framework mentioned above, this thesis also draws on texts that discuss the adaptations, to examine elements of Latino representation in the casting, the changes to the lyrics of the musical numbers and the order in which they appear, the inclusion of lines in Spanish for some Latino characters, and the scenes, with or without dialogue, that direct the viewers gaze to the plight of immigrants and xenophobia in the 20th and the 21st centuries. The analysis of the corpus indicates that the directorial choices Steven Spielberg made in West Side Story (2021) are the product of his time, meeting the expectations of the contemporary context of reception, highlighting the translator s and adapter s role and relevance as agents of narrative change and subversion, even if the director himself was unaware of the convergence of his adaptation project with the activist turn in Translation Studies.

The amount of open-source information – that is, data, images, and footage that is openly available to the public - is growing exponentially. With it, so is the number of citizens analysing this data to form open-source intelligence (OSINT). Using the 2022 invasion of Ukraine as a case study, this study highlights the motivations behind the citizen OSINT analysts who are uncovering events on the frontline and verifying significant amounts of data from such events. Through interviews with 10 citizen OSINT analysts – all voluntarily contributing to OSINT in relation to the invasion of Ukraine, as well as other major OSINT projects – this study demonstrates the motivations behind this growing community. The findings reflect a new era of participation and advocacy and are a demonstration of self-determination theory. The findings demonstrate citizens’ sceptic views towards traditional media but also, that with a more analytical approach, with improved transparency and collaboration there is reason to be optimistic about the future of journalism and audience engagement.

This dissertation examines the contestations over the politics of knowledge, risk, and environmental justice in three fenceline sites. Mobilizing the fenceline standpoint to study risk strengthens our objective understanding of the social situatedness of risk. To illustrate how a fenceline standpoint contributes to stronger objectivity of risk contestations, I survey public discourse of coal slurry extraction in Black Mesa, Arizona using an environmental justice framework. Discursive justifications for the construction of the slurry pipeline reveal how environmental injustice in the fenceline community emerged through urban controversies over water and power generation that excluded a fenceline standpoint. Insights from Black Mesa frame the next two cases: open burning hazardous waste at Radford Army Ammunition Plant, and M6 Disposal at Camp Minden, Louisiana. At Radford, scholar-activist research examines the contestations of risk at one of the most hazardous waste facilities in the nation. I analyze the construction of risk from open burning of hazardous waste from a fenceline standpoint. I discursively situate the controversy over fenceline community risk from open burning, by showing the inadequacies of official risk assessments. Critical discourse analysis of risk shows the extant contestations over the practice of open burning. In juxtaposition to Radford, the Camp Minden open burn controversy demonstrates how a fenceline movement successfully constructed alternatives to open burning. Fenceline success in Minden is forcing scrutiny over the risks produced by the practice of open burning explosives across the United States. The activation of fenceline knowledge and expertise, through grassroots organizing, is propelling inquiry from scientific and technical experts of the American Chemical Society who are questioning why the Department of Defense and the Environmental Protection Agency have approved the use of open burning at other sites despite safer alternative technology. Synthetically, each case illustrates the importance of fenceline knowledge as a crucial site of expertise. I present an argument for how a fenceline standpoint can challenge regulatory and producer constructions of fenceline risk. The creation of a program of research: Critical Risk Analysis, offers a model for scholar-activist intervention on the fenceline. The Camp Minden Dialogue demonstrates a successful example of how fenceline expert-activists can influence the construction of risk. Normatively, I build the argument that environmental justice research within Science and Technology Studies ought to situate the fenceline standpoint as equal to the competing epistemological claims of production and regulatory experts in order to strengthen the objectivity of our research in contested fenceline sites. / Ph. D.

The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.

Cette recherche interroge les conditions de structuration et de perduration d’un engagement séparé pour les femmes dans les organisations et au sein de mobilisations agricoles bretonnes. Majoritairement composés d’exploitantes installées en couple et situés à la frontière entre associations de défense de l’égalité, cercles de sociabilités professionnelles et groupes de parole, les espaces d’encadrement agricole féminins offrent une occasion idoine de questionner non seulement l’imbrication des identités professionnelles et conjugales dans l’engagement mais également la labilité des usages rhétoriques de l'égalité et du féminisme dans des espaces professionnels non-mixtes. L’analyse de leur position dans l’espace de la représentation agricole questionne le degré d’autonomie des revendications portées au nom des agricultrices, leur influence sur les agendas organisationnels et leur effet sur la construction des carrières militantes. L’enquête s’appuie sur un dispositif cumulant une observation de quatre années des activités formelles et informelles des groupes féminins, une étude de leur documentation professionnelle, un recensement de leurs tribunes dans la presse agricole, auxquels s’ajoutent la réalisation d’entretiens avec les actrices qui y sont engagées et la constitution de données statistiques relatives aux mandats féminins dans les organisations agricoles bretonnes depuis 1990. Sur la base d’une analyse croisant les études de genre, la sociologie du militantisme et celle de la représentation professionnelle agricole, notre thèse consiste à démontrer que les groupes et mobilisations d’agricultrices forgent les contours d’une « cause de femmes » agricole mise sous tutelle des intérêts catégoriels et chevillée à l’idéal normatif de la complémentarité des sexes. En tant que réceptacles de positions professionnelles, organisationnelles et conjugales entrecroisées, les espaces de l’engagement féminin produisent des politisations ambivalentes de ces appartenances multiples, à la fois porteuses de contestation comme de reproduction des hiérarchies sexuées et de l’ordre social et politique. / This research looks into the conditions for the structuring and continuation of a separate female activism within Breton organisations and farmers mobilisations. Mainly made up of professionals living in couples and situated at the intersection between gender equality advocacy groups, professional networks and support groups, farming self-help groups are a case in point to question not only the intertwining of professional and marital identities within activism but also the lability of rhetorical uses of equality and feminism within women-only professional spaces. The analysis of their position within the farmers’ representation spaces makes it compelling to question the degree of autonomy of the claims made in the name of women farmers, their influence upon the setting of professional agendas and their impact on the development of activist careers.Evidence was collected through an apparatus which consisted in the addition of a four-year-long observation of female groups’ formal and informal activities, an analysis of their professional literature, an inventory of their opinion columns inside the farm press, to which can be added semi-structured interviews with women farmers engaged in this activism and the setting up of statistical data about female mandates within Breton farm organisations since the 1990s. Drawing on an analysis which mixes gender studies, sociology of militancy and studies of farming professional representation, this PhD aims to demonstrate that women farmers groups and mobilisations shape the features of a farming “women cause” although it is subordinated to corporatist interests and seen through the lenses of the normative ideal of complementarity between the sexes. Being a repository of interlinked professional, organisational and matrimonial standpoints, female activism spaces lead to the ambivalent politicisation of plural belongings. These multiple affiliations can be a catalyst for protest as well as a way to reproduce sexual hierarchies and social and political order.

Many of us believe that poetry, specifically activist and experimental poetry, is capable of intervening in our society, as though the right words will call people to action, give the voiceless a voice, and reorder the systems that perpetuate oppression, even if there are few examples of such instances. Nevertheless, my project looks at these very moments, when poetry alters the fabric of our real, to explore the ways these poetical interventions are, in effect, instances of what I have come to call “dissensual” poetry. Using Jacques Rancière’s concept of dissensus and the distribution of the sensible, my project investigates the ways in which dissensual poetry ruptures the distribution of the sensible—“our definite configurations of what is given as our real, as the object of our perceptions and the field of our interventions”—to look at the ways poetry actually does politics (Dissensus 156). I look at three different types of dissensual poetry: concrete poetry, sound poetry, and instapoetry. I argue that these poetic practices prompt a reordering of our society, of what is countable and unaccountable, and of how bodies, capacities, and systems operate. They allow for those whom Rancière calls the anonymous, and whom we might call the oppressed or marginalized, to become known. I argue that bpNichol’s, Judith Copithorne’s, and Steve McCaffery’s concrete poems; the Four Horsemen’s, Penn Kemp’s, and Christian Bök’s sound poems; and rupi kaur’s instapoems are examples of dissensual poetry.

<p>The UN Conference on the Human Environment in Stockholm 1972 has been recognized as bringing political attention to environmental problems. Researchers have acknowledged the importance of NGO activities during the conference, initiating a trend of engagement of NGOs in official global meetings. But NGOs were not permitted to speak at the plenary or participate in working groups in the official Conference. The influence of NGOs could still be substantial but in another arenas delivering perceptions, knowledge and information to the general public and officials, directly or through the intense media coverage of the conference. NGOs engaged in these parallel activities and individuals in the official initiating process are central to this research. </p><p>The purpose of this study is to analyze how Swedish NGOs and their related networks influenced environmental discourses during and following the UN conference on the human environment in Stockholm 1972. The purpose is also to analyze how they in turn were effected by the conference process and the context in which NGOs function. </p><p>This study is concerned with how social movements became engaged in official global meetings and the effects of this process. It is a study of the interrelations between intergovernmental discourse framing and activist influence. To understand this we take in consideration what motivated the actions of relevant actors, how actors selected strategies to obtain there purposes and how diverse frames of understanding emerged.</p>