Utilizing Afrocentric thought, this dissertation examines digital Pan-Africanism as a new theory that demonstrates the liberatory potential of digital technology including internet-based writing and businesses. Focusing on the burgeoning Black travel industry, it specifically considers contemporary travel narratives written by African Americans visiting Egypt and includes a thematic analysis of travel blog posts. It highlights the role technology plays in making international travel more accessible to African Americans and the potential that diasporic travel has in creating and strengthening inter-cultural bonds between African people throughout the diaspora. To this end, this dissertation advocates utilizing digital platforms as a tool for increased diasporic travel and Pan-African activism. It conceptualizes this new theory, discusses its implications within and outside of the travel industry, and offers a model to demonstrate its effectiveness and applicability. / African American Studies

As former colonies and newly independent states of the ‘Third World’ organized internationally around anticolonialism in the 1950s and 1960s, Ghana became a key site in debates over development at the height of the Cold War. Contributing to the new economic and political history of postcolonial Ghana, this study examines the national development visions and international political-economic connections of the Nkrumaist state 1957-66 and the first year under the post-coup National Liberation Council through the lens of translocality. Translocality refers to the entanglement of different localities and communities, and in this context, how the idea and practice of national development is co-constituted with these connections. Kwame Nkrumah situated national development as a resource in uniting the African continent against foreign political and economic influence. The Nkrumaist state played a leading role in the formation of the Organization of African Unity, non-alignment, nuclear non-proliferation, and attempts at harmonizing national development continentally. The movements of individuals to Ghana seeking participation within the Nkrumaist project were also racialized and gendered. Women Pan-Africanist activists organized conferences and made internationalist commentaries, making claims for inclusive economic development and participation. Furthermore, Ghanaian national development, dependent on mixed-planning foreign capital, markets, and technologies to finance projects, became increasingly subject to non-national departmental debates and an emerging liberal disciplinary politics through 1962-1966. The International Monetary Fund, Britain and the United States came to a consensus regarding a balance of payments and foreign reserve crisis in Ghana. After a military coup d'état in 1966, the NLC introduced an IMF reform package and embarked on a program of unmaking Nkrumaism. This study contributes to understanding the translocal dynamics of postcolonial development and development discourses. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / I argue that Ghana’s national development from 1957 to 1968 was conceived of, practiced, and situated within, transnational and international connections that can be best understood through the concept of translocality. Translocality refers to the entanglement of different localities and communities, and in this context, how the idea and practice of development cannot be separated from these relational connections. The research supporting this concept contributes to understanding African postcolonial national development in tension and co-constituted with non-national dynamics. As an idea and policy mandate dictated by Kwame Nkrumah, national development was defined as a resource in the struggle for Pan-Africanism but also entangled with the politics of Pan-Africanism, the Cold War and international creditors. These translocal connections are explored through the activisms and commentaries of women Pan-Africanists, activists, and political moderates travelling to Ghana as well as the formal Pan-African diplomacies in pursuit of the economic unification of Africa. Ghana’s development future was also subject to the interdepartmental politics of international creditors and an emerging liberal economic consensus. This study is necessary because it changes our understanding of how the politics of postcolonial development is understood, as co-constituted with non-national political, economic and social dynamics.

The study insists on understanding the miscarriage of “Pan-Africanism” and the role of “African” mentality with the help of Fanon’s psychoanalysis “Black Skin, White Mask,” exemplifying the immense colonial, slavery, and apartheid psychological damages experienced by Black individuals resulting Blacks/Africans self-hate and a desire to be “white” throughout the domain of Western culture, ideology, and language. To provide accurate analysis of the “Pan-African” failure to solve increasing blacks-hate-against-blacks/xenophobia in South Africa, concepts othering, mimicry, subaltern from the critical theory (postcolonialism) were applied. Thereupon, Qualitative Content Analysis and Critical Discourse Analysis relying on the theoretical concepts were conducted, which underlined how the mimicry process makes Africa's interaction an elite-driven one, oppressing African/subaltern citizens. The findings showed a need for "Black-Consciousness" and Nkrumah's “Pan-African” vision (African unification) to end colonial-mentality generating collective subordination of Subaltern/Africans. Generally, the use of Fanon’s psycho-social analysis has shown that the generational oppression, trauma, and cultural stereotypes continue to robotize and dictate African leaders and the African Union's favoritism of Western “neo-liberal” policies. It is summarized that the “Pan-African” failure is a failure of gradual unconscious “Pan-Africanists” who pledge allegiance to “Western” policies rather than rededicating themselves to durable Radical “Pan-Africanism” which is an antidote to Africa’s self-hate/xenophobia, neo-colonialism, and the robotization of unconscious Africans.

In the mid-twentieth century Egyptian President Gamal Abdel-Nasser, along with President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana rose to international prominence as leaders and visionaries who were able to achieve political independence in their respective home countries while attempting to shape a destiny for Africa that did not involve Western imperialism. For Nasser's part, he first secured independence for Egypt, then turned his attention to the Middle East, but soon became as active in the politics of Sub Saharan Africa, also known as black Africa, as he was in the Arab world. This thesis explores Nasser's forays into Sub Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization on the continent and how his aspirations for Africa were equally a part of his political agenda that came to be known as Nasserism. Considering Nasser was the leader of the Third bloc, Egypt's fate was tied to Africa just as much as it was to the Middle East. Beyond the aspects of Nasser's involvement in Africa, this work also explores the active role Africans played in their quest for independence from European colonizers. Many African leaders during this time were as prominent and as shrewd as Nasser and were committed to establishing an anti-imperialist continent while developing modern African states based on the principles of Pan Africanism. While this occurred, new countries began to enter Africa and it became up to the African heads of state to determine how much involvement they wanted from these outsiders and at what cost. As these many dynamics played out in Africa, Pan Africanism was simultaneously occurring in the United States that linked black America's fate with Africa in movements that emphasized black nationalism and Third World political ideology.

This dissertation explores the memories and motivations of women who helped mold Pan-African cultural nationalism through challenging, refining, and reshaping organizations influenced by Kawaida, the black liberation philosophy that gave rise to Kwanzaa. This study focuses on female advocates in the Us Organization, Committee for a Unified Newark and the Congress of African People, the East, and Ahidiana. Emphasizing the years 1965 through the mid-to-late 1980s, the work delves into the women’s developing sense of racial and gender consciousness against the backdrop of the Black Power Movement. The study contextualizes recollections of women within the groups’ growth and development, ultimately tracing the organizations’ weakening, demise, and influence on subsequent generations. It examines female advocates within the larger milieu of the Civil Rights Movement’s retrenchment and the rise of Black Power. The dissertation also considers the impact of resurgent African-American nationalism, global independence movements, concomitant Black Campus, Black Arts, and Black Studies Movements, and the groups’ struggles amidst state repression and rising conservatism. Employing oral history, womanist approaches, and primary documents, this work seeks to increase what is known about female Pan-African cultural nationalists. Scholarly literature and archival sources reflect a dearth of cultural-nationalist women’s voices in the historical record. Several organizational histories have included the women’s contributions, but do not substantially engage their backgrounds, motives, and reasoning. Although women were initially restricted to “complementary” roles as helpmates, they were important in shaping and sustaining Pan-African cultural-nationalist organizations by serving as key actors in food cooperatives, educational programs, mass communications pursuits, community enterprises, and political organizing. As female advocates grappled with sexism in Kawaida-influenced groups, they also developed literature, programs, and organizations that broadened the cultural-nationalist vision for ending oppression. Women particularly helped reformulate and modernize Pan-African cultural nationalism over time and space by resisting and redefining restrictive gender roles. As such, they left a legacy of “kazi leadership” focused on collectivity, a commitment to performing the sustained work of bringing about black freedom, and centering African and African-descended people’s ideas and experiences.

<p>We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.</p> / Dissertation

La période suivant la fin de la Seconde Guerre Mondiale connut à la fois le démantèlement des Empires coloniaux et la montée de la guerre froide. La place de l’Afrique constitua un enjeu crucial dans ce contexte de reconfiguration de l’ordre mondial. Après avoir déterminé les protagonistes politiques et culturels des processus de décolonisation, nous nous proposons d’étudier ses enjeux tels qu’ils s’incarnaient dans les différentes définitions que chaque acteur donnait à sa société, toujours associée à l’« Afrique ». En suivant ainsi l’évolution de la référence « africaine », cette étude veut mettre en lumière la transformation des valeurs dans les sociétés coloniales et postcoloniales de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, afin d’y trouver la genèse des nationalismes. Tout en puisant les exemples dans trois pays ouest-africains, il s’agit de s’intéresser à l’aspect constitutif de chaque entité. Celle-ci fut pensée en interaction avec d’autres entités coloniales, régionales et impériales, souvent au-delà des frontières. À travers l’analyse de l’ensemble du processus de la décolonisation, cette thèse permet de comprendre l’articulation qui s’est opérée entre les deux dynamiques qui le composent : le panafricanisme et le nationalisme. / The post-Second World War period saw both the dismantlement of the colonial empires and the beginnings of the Cold War. The place of Africa became a key issue in the configuration of the new world order. This thesis examines the processes of decolonisation through the examples of certain political and cultural protagonists, and the different ways in which they tried to shape their respective societies in relation to their visions of “Africa”. By following the evolution of the notion of “Africa”, this study aims to shed light on the changing values of the colonial and postcolonial societies of West Africa, linking these to the emergence of their nationalist movements. While drawing its examples from three West African countries, this work also seeks to highlight the constitutive aspects of each of these entities, which were conceived through interactions with other colonial, regional and imperial units, often across borders. By examining the process of decolonisation as a whole, this thesis offers an understanding of the complex dynamics between its two constituent forces: pan-Africanism and nationalism.

The concern of this study is "locating the African Renaissance in development discourse: a critical study" and aims to investigate how the South African President Thabo Mbeki has conceptualized the African Renaissance. Through this the author has discovered the meaning of Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse with regard to its context in African development and how it is located in historical conceptions of development in Africa. Through this what innovation to development in Africa is presented by the discourse of the African Renaissance has been identified. Therefore this study is based primarily on an extensive literature research on conception of development and the African Renaissance. In comparison with other discourses on development, the study finds that Mbeki's African Renaissance discourse has been inspired by Pan-Africanist discourses such as self-reliance and African regeneration combined with dominant political and economic discourses such as globalization, good governance, structural adjustment and democracy. The study finds that the great contribution of Mbeki's African Renaissance is to call again on the Africans to realize their self-rediscovery and to restore the African's self esteem without which Africans will never become equipped for African development. However Mbeki stops short of attempting to suggest practical strategies to do so. The study finds that Mbeki' s Arican Renaissance discourse is moralistic and can no longer challenge global economic inequalities. / Thesis (M.A.)- University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2001.

No description available.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / A pesquisa transcrita nesta dissertaÃÃo està inserida na linha de Movimentos Sociais, EducaÃÃo Popular e Escola, e no Eixo SociopoÃtica, Cultura e RelaÃÃes Ãtnico-raciais do Programa de PÃs GraduaÃÃo da Faculdade de EducaÃÃo da Universidade Federal do CearÃ. A problemÃtica da investigaÃÃo à confronto entre propostas teÃricas e conceituais da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO), e a localizaÃÃo das civilizaÃÃes africanas da Antiguidade em programas e livros didÃticos de HistÃria no Ensino MÃdio (Brasil) e no Ensino SecundÃrio (Cabo Verde). O objetivo geral à investigar a relaÃÃo entre metodologia e antiguidade africana propostas pelos Livros 1 e 2 da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) e o que se à ensinado nas salas de aula sobre a Ãfrica na HistÃria Antiga da Humanidade. Os objetivos especÃficos sÃo: 1) construir uma abordagem histÃrica e social sobre a HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica a partir do Pan-africanismo e de seus referenciais intelectuais, polÃticos e institucionais das dÃcadas de 1950 e 1970; 2) Identificar a localizaÃÃo de civilizaÃÃes da antiguidade africana em programas e livros didÃticos de histÃria utilizados em escolas pÃblicas da cidade de Fortaleza (Brasil) e da Ilha de Santiago (Cabo Verde); 3) Propor elementos para superaÃÃo de problemas e valorizaÃÃo das potencialidades comuns ao Brasil e Cabo Verde. Nossa base teÃrica concentra-se em autores como ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011) entre outros pesquisadores que possuem como principais campos de estudo a HistÃria da Ãfrica, metodologia, movimentos sociais, Pan-africanismo, antiguidade africana e educaÃÃo. Trata-se de um estudo de caso efetivado atravÃs de uma abordagem qualitativa, tendo como anÃlise livros didÃticos, programas de histÃria e o diÃlogo com professores. Os instrumentos utilizados para a coleta de dados resumem-se a pesquisa bibliogrÃfica, anÃlise documental e entrevista semiestruturada com professores. Para registrar dados da pesquisa utilizamos caderno de campo e gravaÃÃo em Ãudio. Neste momento apresentamos conclusÃes preliminares da pesquisa, uma vez que o achado durante o trabalho de campo encontra-se em processo de sistematizaÃÃo. Entretanto, à possÃvel asseverar que: 1) atualmente a localizaÃÃo geogrÃfica, o povoamento e o legado das civilizaÃÃes africanas na Antiguidade estÃo sob os mesmos princÃpios eurocÃntricos em materiais didÃticos e programas de histÃria no Ensino MÃdio (Brasil) e Ensino SecundÃrio (Cabo Verde); 2) hà falta de materiais nos acervos das instituiÃÃes visitadas, a HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) e 3) o Uso PedagÃgico da HistÃria Geral da Ãfrica (UNESCO) sÃo pouco conhecidos e utilizados em programas e livros didÃticos em Cabo Verde e no Brasil; Este conjunto de fatores aponta para: o desconhecimento, a falta de interesse e o conflito de estudantes com a histÃria da Ãfrica, sua cultura e identidade; o ensino de histÃria da Ãfrica e a elaboraÃÃo de livros didÃticos devem ter como bases mÃnimas a conscientizaÃÃo, a educaÃÃo patrimonial e a integraÃÃo regional entre paÃses africanos e da diÃspora. / This research intends to confront the theoretical and the conceptual proposals of the textbook General History of Africa, published by UNESCO, as well as the locations of the ancient Classic African civilizations in the syllabi of the textbooks adopted in History classes of mediumschools in Brazil and secondary schools in Cape Verde. The general objective is to investigate the relationship between the methodology and African antiquity in the textbooks General History of Africa I and II, published by UNESCO It also analyses what is taught about Africa in Ancient Human History. The specific objectives are 1) to build a historical and social approach to teach about Ãfrica General History based on Pan-Africanism and Historical Knowledge; 2) to identify the location of Ancient Africa in History in the curriculums and textbooks adopted in public schools in Fortaleza (Brazil) and in Santiago Island (Cape Verde); The theoretical background of this research is based on authors such as ZERBO (1972-2010), DIOP (1954-2010), RODNEY (1975-1980), CABRAL (1978), CUNHA (2006), MONIZ (2009), ASANTE (1989), ANJOS (2002), NASCIMENTO (2001), UNESCO (2009-2011), among other scholars devoted to the study of Ancient Africa and its methodology, social movements, Pan-Africanism, Ancient Africa and Education. The methodology adopted is a case study conducted through quantitative analysis of textbooks and syllabi, as well as interviews with teachers. The instruments employed for data collection are a bibliographical research, analysis of documents, and semi-structured interviews with teachers. In order to record the research data, a field journal and audio recordings have been used. After that, preliminary conclusions of the research are presented, even though the findings during the field work are still being systematized. However, by then it is already possible to affirm that the geographical locations, the settlements, and the legacy of the ancient classic African civilizations are dealt with under the same Eurocentric principles present in other textbooks and syllabi adopted in fundamental schools in Brazil and in secondary schools in Cape Verde. The political and ideological apology of the mixture of races exerts influence in the formation of identity, educational background and professional attitude of History teachers in Brazil and in Cape Verde. There is also a shortage of materials in the libraries of the institutions visited. Moreover, the textbooks General History of Africa I and II and The Pedagogical Use of General History of Ãfrica (both published by UNESCO) are neither well-known nor widely adopted in Cape Verde or in Brazil. These factors point at 1) the lack of knowledge and interest, as well as at the conflict of students with African History, its culture and identity; 2) the need to teach and to write textbooks which are minimally based on the awareness, on the heritage and on the African regional integration