Im Rahmen des BMBF-Projektes 'RevAl' wurden bereits bekannte Aminoalane in Bezug auf ihre physikalisch-chemischen Eigenschaften bei der chemischen Wasserstoffspeicherung untersucht. Es stellte sich heraus, dass die Freisetzung von Wasserstoff leicht und spontan realisierbar ist, wohingegen die reversible Speicherung (aufgrund von thermodynamischen Gesetzmässigkeiten) bei den gewählten Prozessbedingungen nicht realisierbar ist. Auch Modifikationen der bereits bekannten Aminoalane mit Neutralliganden und organischen Resten führten nicht zu den erhofften Eigenschaften. Jedoch wurde im Rahmen der Modifizierungsarbeiten die noch nicht beschriebene Verbindung 'Bis-Triphenylphosphinalan' strukturell und spektroskopisch charakterisiert. Weiterhin wurde diese im 9g-Maßstab hergestellte Verbindung für Reduktionsreaktionen von Carbonylderivaten eingesetzt, wobei sich, abhängig vom jeweiligen Carbonyl-Substrat, Unterschiede bei Umsatz und Ausbeute der Edukte bzw. Produkte ergaben. Weiterhin wurde die Reduktion von Benzaldehyd mit Bis-Triphenylphosphinalan NMR-spektroskopisch untersucht und eine Untermauerung des bereits postulierten Reduktionsmechanismus´ erhalten.

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El estallido del caso Lava Jato en 2016 marca un hito en la historia de la corrupción en la política peruana. Como nunca antes, las acusaciones alcanzan a figuras como Alan García y Keiko Fujimori. Ambos actores, apoyados en el fenómeno de redes sociales como Twitter, han optado por responder los señalamientos desde estas plataformas. Lo anterior supone un reto para los periodistas, que se ven obligados a adoptar estas publicaciones digitales como fuentes válidas. El objetivo de esta investigación es determinar cómo las estrategias discursivas dentro de los tweets de ambos actores políticos se ven reflejadas en las coberturas de los diarios Expreso y El Comercio sobre el caso Lava Jato. Por ello, el marco teórico recoge teorías como la convergencia de medios, framing, mediatización de la política y propuestas sobre el rol del periodismo en este nuevo escenario como el gateekeeping. Se han analizado tweets de Alan García y Keiko Fujimori y noticias de ambos diarios peruanos que los utilizan en sus coberturas durante periodos clave de las investigaciones. La principal conclusión es que los periodistas del diario Expreso y El Comercio utilizan los tweets como elementos centrales en sus coberturas, pero las valoraciones que les dan varían según el nivel de profundidad que les dan a sus formatos periodísticos. En la mayoría de los casos se limitan a una reproducción literal de los tweets, lo que ocasiona que el discurso político se vuelva noticia por sí mismo. / The outbreak of the Lava Jato case in 2016 marks a milestone in the history of corruption in peruvian politics. As never before, the accusations reached figures like Alan Garcia and Keiko Fujimori. Both actors, supported by the phenomenon of social networks such as Twitter, have chosen to respond to the accusations from these platforms. This is a challenge for journalists, who are forced to adopt these valid digital publications as sources. The objective of this research is to determine how the discursive strategies within the tweets of both political actors are reflected in the coverage about Lava Jato of newspapers like Expreso and El Comercio. For this reason, the theoretical framework includes theories such as media convergence, framing, mediatization of politics and proposals on the role of journalism in this new scenery such as gatekeeping. Tweets from Alan Garcia and Keiko Fujimori and news that use them from both peruvian newspapers coverages in key periods of the investigations have been analyzed. The main conclusion is that journalists from the newspaper Expreso and El Comercio use tweets as central elements in their coverage, but the evaluations they give vary according to the level of depth they give to their journalistic formats. In most cases they are limited to a verbatim reproduction of the tweets, which allows political discourse to become news on its own.

La presente investigación analiza la dinámica del surgimiento del movimiento Libertad, centrándose, principalmente, en tres grandes factores que se consideran claves en este. Estos son: El movimiento de rechazo a la propuesta de estatizar la banca, el nuevo mensaje político liberal y el liderazgo de Mario Vargas Llosa, el cual es visto como una pieza clave dentro de la dinámica estudiada. La tesis se centra en cómo estos tres factores convergen y le otorgan fuerza al proyecto liberal que traían los actores centrales de este movimiento político, los cuales hacía algunos años habían visto en Mario Vargas Llosa a una figura carismática capaz de liderar la nueva agrupación. Se percibe, además, como estos actores esperaron el momento oportuno, la propuesta de estatización de la banca de Alan García, para entrar en escena y aparecer a la cabeza de la oposición que se había conformado a esta medida de gobierno. Desde este ‘movimiento anti-estatización’, que acaba derrotando al presidente García, Mario Vargas Llosa y sus aliados conformarán Libertad. Sobre la ideología liberal, esta se estudia a partir de la coherencia ideológica que le dio al movimiento, lo que permitió la unión de Vargas Llosa con algunos intelectuales que fueron influyentes dentro de este, y cómo a partir del Movimiento Libertad el liberalismo se volvió hegemónico entre las élites económicas e influyentes de la sociedad peruana. iv La investigación se realiza a partir de entrevistas a actores que participaron del movimiento, fuentes primarias, como diarios, revistas, o testimonios de los propios actores de Libertad y, finalmente, libros y trabajos de investigación que estudian a esta agrupación política. En la investigación se halla que Libertad surge a partir de la voluntad y la organización de estos intelectuales liberales, gracias a la popular figura de Vargas Llosa y al error político de Alan García, quien no calculó la gran oposición que lograría su propuesta de estatización

The aim of this thesis is to report on a transdisciplinary approach, regarding the complexity of thinking about human embodiment in relation to machine embodiment. A practical dimension of this thesis is to elicit some principles for the design and evaluation of virtual embodiment. The transdisciplinary approach suggests, firstly, that a single discipline or reality is, on its own, not sufficient to explain the complexity and dynamism of the embodied interaction between the human and machine. Secondly, the thesis argues for thinking of transdisciplinary research as a process of individuation, becoming or transduction, that is, as a process of mediation between heterogeneous approaches rather than perceiving research as a stabilized cognitive schema designed to accumulate new outcomes to the already-there reality. Arguing for going beyond the individualized approaches to embodiment, this thesis analyzes three cases where the problems that appear in one case are resolved through the analysis of the following one. Consisting of three phases, this research moves from objective scientific ¿reality¿ to more phenomenological, subjective and complex realities. The first study employs a critical review of embodied conversational agents in human¿computer interaction (HCI) in a learning context using a comparative meta-analysis. Meta-analysis was applied because most of the studies for evaluating embodiment are experimental. A learning context was selected because the number of studies is suitable for meta-analysis and the findings could be generalized to other contexts. The analysis reveals that there is no ¿persona effect¿, that is, the expected positive effect of virtual embodiment on the participant¿s affective, perceptive and cognitive measures. On the contrary, it shows the reduction of virtual embodiment to image and a lack of consideration for the participant¿s embodiment and interaction, in addition to theoretical and methodological shortcomings. The second phase solves these problems by focusing on Mark Hansen¿s phenomenological account of embodiment in new media. The investigation shows that Hansen improves on the HCI account by focusing on the participant¿s dynamic interaction with new media. Nevertheless, his views of embodied perception and affection are underpinned by a subjective patriarchal account leading to object/subject and body/work polarizations. The final phase resolves this polarization by analyzing the controversial work of Alan Turing on intelligent machinery. The research provides a different reading of the Turing Machine based on Simondon¿s concept of individuation, repositioning its materiality from the abstract non-existent to the actual-virtual realm and investigating the reasons for its abstraction. It relates the emergence of multiple human¿machine encounters in Turing¿s work to the complex counter-becoming of what it describes as ¿the Turing Machine compound¿. / Ministry of Higher Education in the Sultanate of Oman

Esta investigación tiene como principal propósito de estudio las estrategias de campaña durante la segunda vuelta de las elecciones del año 2006, que confrontaron a Alan García Pérez, candidato ubicado dentro de lo que podemos llamar la institucionalidad política más formal, y Ollanta Humala Tasso, un militar considerado el ·outsider de esta elección y cuya candidatura se ubicó en el espacio social y analítico del populismo. Es de este modo que nos planteamos la pregunta central, considerando la información recogida de ambos lados: ¿Cuáles fueron las principales diferencias a contrastar entre las estr:ategias políticas de Ollanta Humala y de Alan García durante la segunda vuelta de las elecciones del 2006?

Esta tesis estudia la formación y consolidación de la identidad social y sentido de pertenencia en el desarrollo histórico de las organizaciones sociales de la localidad de “Mi Perú” a finales del siglo XX y comienzos del siglo XXI, siendo parte de los últimos procesos de ocupación a gran escala en los espacios periféricos de la ciudad de Lima. Para llegar a esto, la metodología de investigación se basa en el análisis de documentación comunitaria de la localidad, entrevistas, libros de actas de Juntas Vecinales y Comedores Populares, y estudios o análisis socioeconómicos de la etapa formativa de Organizaciones No Gubernamentales (ONG), y tanto gobierno central como distrital (1985-2014). La tesis sostiene que el trabajo autónomo de las organizaciones sociales locales generó y fortaleció un sentido de pertenencia e identidad local en “Mi Perú”, que se manifestaron en el proceso de formación y consolidación urbana del distrito. Se argumenta que, a pesar que el Estado dio inicio a la construcción urbanística, la población enfrentó a las grandes problemáticas nacionales (que influyeron en un sentido diacrónico a las organizaciones) mediante la integración y el trabajo colectivo que se plasmarán en el discurso de la narrativa histórica de la localidad. Se propone, con todo esto, un análisis histórico de las estrategias de la población más vulnerable frente a los cambios socio-económicos que se estaban dando a finales del siglo XX e inicios del siglo XXI, siendo preponderante el manejo del Estado con la transición de un populismo mercantilista a uno clientelar y de corte neo-liberal. / This thesis studies the formation and consolidation of the social identity and belonging on the historical development of social organization in the town of “Mi Peru” at the end of 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century, being part of the latest large-scale occupation processes in the peripheral spaces of Lima. To achieve this, the research methodology is based on the analysis of local community documentation, interviews, minute books of Neighborhood Councils and Comedores Populares, and socioeconomic research or analysis of the formative stage of Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and both central and district governments (1985-2014). The thesis maintains that the autonomous work of the local social organizations generated and strengthened belonging and local social identity in "Mi Peru", which manifested itself in the process of formation and urban consolidation of the district. It is argued that, despite the fact that the State began the urban construction, the population of “Mi Peru” faced major national problems (which influenced organizations in a diachronic sense) through integration and collective work that will be reflected in the historical narrative discourse of the town. With all this, a historical analysis of the strategies of the most vulnerable population in the face of the socio-economic changes that were taking place at the end of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century is proposed, being preponderant the management of the State with the transition from a mercantile populism to a patronage and neo-liberal one.

No description available.

Artificial light at night (ALAN), or ecological light pollution, is increasingly prevalent worldwide. Exposure to ALAN tends to negatively impact animals—particularly, nocturnal animals—but life-history strategies may mitigate these costs. Animals in many regions are also increasingly exposed to climate-related stressors, such as heat and drought. Yet, interactions among ALAN, life-history strategy, and stress tolerance are unknown. Therefore, I determined if developmental ALAN exposure (1) affects development, (2) affects adult phenotype, including heat and desiccation tolerance, and (3) affects and/or interacts with life-history strategy. To address my aims, I used the variable field cricket (Gryllus lineaticeps) because its geographic range is increasingly exposed to ALAN, heat, and drought conditions; it exhibits different life-history strategies (flight-capability vs. flight-incapability); and it is mainly nocturnal. Although developmental duration and success were not impacted by ALAN exposure, ALAN affected adult phenotype, with a positive effect on body mass, body size, and reproductive investment, and a negative effect on heat tolerance. Life-history strategy also affected stress tolerance—flight-incapable females had greater heat tolerance, and their desiccation tolerance was improved by ALAN exposure. Thus, key features of environmental change (i.e., exposure to ALAN, heat, and drought) may favor some life-history strategies over others.

Alan Alexander Milne’s authorship was never limited to being the author of the very beloved teddy-bear, far from it. In addition to being a successful playwrite and editing Punch, Milne also wrote several poetry collections which all have been out of print since the 1940s in the entire English-speaking world. His war poetry and social engagement reached far beyond the Bloomsbury group of influential authors and thinkers in the early 20th Century. Milne was a liberal, in terms of what the term denoted in the early 20th century, notably, that is, not in the way we perceive the term today, in the 21st Century. As a perhaps eery echo of the occurrences from a Century ago Milne’s political poetry will be set in motion again; his poetry reflects times of distress and global political unrest. And, in Milne’s own phrasing, 'it’s a silly thing to say', Milne’s poetry pinpoints the ever-present core issues of the inner and external struggles of humanity and individuals. Milne believed in Freedom and liberalism as he knew it in his days, but he also saw what happened when these values were under threat of being sacrificed and lost. Despite all darkness and despair in the early 20th Century, Milne’s focus as a poet was to bring joy and laughter to people, and he chose to do so with poetry, in popular verse, -a bold move in a world where not even courageous people always had someone to voice their situation and their daily struggles. Milne’s poetry is in many aspects the story of the every-day hero, and the ordinary person, yet his depictions of the human struggles is unique and heartfelt. The main focus of this essay is the ways in which Milne’s idea of liberalism effect his poems in portraying serious political topics through the medium of popular verse with its direct relationship to defining and exploring multitude within every word. For the multi-talented Milne his idea of liberalism revolves around Four Freedoms; freedom from want, freedom from fear, freedom of religion, and freedom of expression. Without further delay it is time to bring back into the sphere of well-known (war-)poets from the early 20th Century, the liberal humourist and pacifist war-poet Milne.