The main aim of this study is to define the cooking activity spaces in Burgaz at 4th Century B.C. by carrying out statistical analysis of artefacts come from floor levels. In this study the distribution of artefacts and the associations of these distributions with architectural remains are examined rather than architectural features. In order to defining cooking activity spaces, the spatial distribution of cooking wares and utilities were taken into consideration. The distributions of cooking wares were tried to associate with ashy areas that can be related to cooking activities. In this study, the spatial analysis of archaeological artefacts assemblages that found in four well preserved houses from NE Sector revealed during the excavations of Burgaz (1993-2003) was carried out and the space usage, especially cooking spaces, were identified in these houses.

Η παρούσα διατριβή μελετά τη διαχρονική διαδρομή ενός αρχαίου μύθου, την πρόσληψή του από τους νεοέλληνες συγγραφείς και τις αλληλεπιδράσεις μεταξύ των ποιητών, με απώτερο στόχο τη διαχρονική ανάγνωση του μύθου της Κασσάνδρας. Ο Όμηρος αναφέρει για πρώτη φορά το όνομα της Κασσάνδρας και επικεντρώνεται στην ομορφιά και στο θάνατό της. Στα Κύκλια Έπη και στη λυρική ποίηση η Κασσάνδρα εμφανίζεται με προφητικές ικανότητες. Στην τραγική και ελληνιστική ποίηση το μυθικό πρόσωπο αποκτά αυτοδύναμο πρωταγωνιστικό ρόλο. Στον Αισχύλο και στον Ευριπίδη εμφανίζεται ως εμπνευσμένη προφήτισσα. Στην Αλεξάνδρα του Λυκόφρονα η Κασσάνδρα, έγκλειστη σε μια φυλακή, προφητεύει την άλωση της Τροίας, το νόστο των Ελλήνων, τη δική της τύχη και τον πόλεμο Ευρώπης-Ασίας. Tο πέρασμα από την παραδοσιακή στη νεοτερική ποίηση σηματοδοτεί μια νέα λειτουργία του μυθικού προσώπου. Ο Παλαμάς εκμεταλλεύτηκε ποιητικά το μυθικό πρόσωπο περισσότερο από τους άλλους ποιητές στην προσπάθειά του να ανασυνθέσει ολιστικά το παρελθόν. Στις νεοτερικές της αποτυπώσεις η Κασσάνδρα συμβολοποιείται και εμφανίζεται άλλοτε ως χρησμολόγος δεινών (Σικελιανός, Καρέλλη), άλλοτε ως σύμβολο διαχρονικών αξιών (Παλαμάς, Σεφέρης, Ρίτσος), άλλοτε αποτελεί απλά πηγή ποιητικής έμπνευσης και δημιουργίας (Πολέμης, Καβάφης). Ο μύθος της Κασσάνδρας αποτέλεσε πόλο έλξης τόσο για τους αρχαίους όσο και για τους νεοέλληνες συγγραφείς. Έτσι έχει δημιουργηθεί ένα μετα-μυθικό υπερκείμενο που εμπλουτίζεται και εξελίσσεται, επιτρέποντας παράλληλα το διακειμενικό διάλογο ανάμεσα στους συγγραφείς και την παλίνδρομη κίνηση παρελθόντος-παρόντος. / The present thesis studies a mythical figure, the interactions between ancient Greek and modern Greek poets, with final objective the diachronic reading of the myth of Cassandra. Homer in the mid-eighth century BC is the first poet who mentions her name. He focused on her beauty and described her death. In Epic Cycle and in lyric poetry Cassandra is presented as a prophet. In tragic and hellenistic poetry she acquires a self-reliant leading role. Exploring her role in the plays of Aeschylus and Euripides leads to an understanding of her role as a seer. Kassandra, also appears in Lykophron, who wrote an obscure poem in the third century BC called Alexandra. In this poem Cassandra, imprisoned, prophesies the fate of Troy, the nostos of Greeks, her fate and the battle between Europe and Asia. The figure of Kassandra reappears in greek poetry through the transition from traditional to modern poetry. In most greek poets, such as Palamas, Seferis, Cavafis, Silelianos, Ritsos, Cassandra becomes a symbol. The specific parallels between the myth and the experiences of the poets create anachronisms which eliminate the time-distance, present the mythical figure as a symbol in order to represent a dramatic view of the different modern reality.

Orientador: Margarida Maria de Carvalho / Resumo: Tradicionalmente reduzida a um impulso exclusivo de comicidade, a inserção de personagens femininas nas comédias de Aristófanes foi lida por alguns historiadores como uma preocupação do teatrólogo em ridicularizar a imagem da mulher grega. Ao nos debruçarmos sobre a leitura das peças Lisístrata (411 a.C.), As Tesmoforiantes (411 a.C.) e Assembleia de Mulheres (392 a.C.), encenadas no contexto da Guerra do Peloponeso e posterior derrota de Atenas, formulamos a hipótese de que a esposa legítima foi representada como mantenedora da cidade ateniense, uma vez que percebemos a ênfase em sua importância cívica por ser considerada um veículo justo de crítica nas peças aristofânicas. Ao problematizar os acontecimentos e decisões políticas de seu período, o comediógrafo o fez inserindo mulheres ativas em suas obras, responsáveis por aconselhar seus maridos sobre aquilo que julgavam prejudicial à pólis. Pela lei de Péricles, vigente a partir de meados do V século a.C., eram essas mulheres ativas que carregavam o compromisso de reproduzir cidadãos atenienses, contribuindo para a manutenção da lógica democrática clássica. Em nossa visão, o poeta publicita a faceta atuante e interventora do feminino justamente porque ela estava calcada na legitimidade da transmissão da cidadania. Pautados na análise da documentação textual e na História de Gênero, pretendemos compreender a participação feminina, especificamente das esposas legítimas, na sociedade ateniense do V e início do IV séculos a.C.,... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Traditionally reduced to an exclusive comicality impulse, the insertion of female characters in the comedies of Aristophanes was read by some historians as a concern of the playwright in ridiculing the image of Greek woman. When we dive into the reading of Lysistrata (411 BC), Thesmophoriazusae (411 BC) and Assemblywomen (392 BC), staged in the context of the Peloponnesian War and subsequent defeat of Athens, we formulated the hypothesis that the legitimate wife was represented as maintainer of the Athenian city, since we perceive the emphasis in her civic importance as a righteous vehicle of criticism in Aristophanes‘ plots. In problematizing the occurrences and political decisions of his period, the playwright did it inserting active women in his plots; they were responsible for advising their husbands on what they judged to be harmful to the polis. By the law of Pericles, valid since the middle of the fifth century BC, these active women were committed to reproducing Athenian citizens, contributing to the maintenance of the classical democratic logic. In our view, the poet shows the acting and intervening facet of the feminine precisely because it was based on the legitimacy citizenship transmission. Based on the analysis of the textual documentation and on Gender History, we intend to understand the feminine participation, specifically of the legitimate wives, in the Athenian society of the fifth and beginning of the fourth centuries BC, by problematizing the relation bet... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

The extant ancient Greek treatises on music show very striking similarities regarding the explanation of music theory, although they span a time period of seven centuries. The aim of this thesis is to prove that these similarities were not caused by the missing development of music, but rather by the habit of ancient musicologists, who seem to have preferred the information contained in their sources, however old they were, to the description of real musical practice. In this respect Aristides Quintilianus, an author of the 3rd century AD, who wrote three books On music, was not different. This thesis includes an explanation of the development of music as it is depicted by contemporary non-musicological writers and notational diagrams, then presents the work of Aristides Quintilianus per se as well as in the context of the other ancient Greek musicological research. There is also a translation and a commentary on Aristides's first book, where the musical changes should be present. Finally, by a comparison of some parallel passages found in Aristides's first book and in the rest of the extant musicological treatises, Aristides's sources are exposed.

Submitted by Bárbara Alexandre Aniceto (ba_ship@hotmail.com) on 2018-04-22T23:23:55Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO BÁRBARA ANICETO FINAL.pdf: 1200135 bytes, checksum: 8e7243fc2df0a3328d99c20890b823ed (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-04-23T17:52:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Aniceto_BA_me_fran.pdf: 1200135 bytes, checksum: 8e7243fc2df0a3328d99c20890b823ed (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-23T17:52:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aniceto_BA_me_fran.pdf: 1200135 bytes, checksum: 8e7243fc2df0a3328d99c20890b823ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-12-11 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Tradicionalmente reduzida a um impulso exclusivo de comicidade, a inserção de personagens femininas nas comédias de Aristófanes foi lida por alguns historiadores como uma preocupação do teatrólogo em ridicularizar a imagem da mulher grega. Ao nos debruçarmos sobre a leitura das peças Lisístrata (411 a.C.), As Tesmoforiantes (411 a.C.) e Assembleia de Mulheres (392 a.C.), encenadas no contexto da Guerra do Peloponeso e posterior derrota de Atenas, formulamos a hipótese de que a esposa legítima foi representada como mantenedora da cidade ateniense, uma vez que percebemos a ênfase em sua importância cívica por ser considerada um veículo justo de crítica nas peças aristofânicas. Ao problematizar os acontecimentos e decisões políticas de seu período, o comediógrafo o fez inserindo mulheres ativas em suas obras, responsáveis por aconselhar seus maridos sobre aquilo que julgavam prejudicial à pólis. Pela lei de Péricles, vigente a partir de meados do V século a.C., eram essas mulheres ativas que carregavam o compromisso de reproduzir cidadãos atenienses, contribuindo para a manutenção da lógica democrática clássica. Em nossa visão, o poeta publicita a faceta atuante e interventora do feminino justamente porque ela estava calcada na legitimidade da transmissão da cidadania. Pautados na análise da documentação textual e na História de Gênero, pretendemos compreender a participação feminina, especificamente das esposas legítimas, na sociedade ateniense do V e início do IV séculos a.C., pela problematização da relação entre o feminino e o masculino, bem como enfatizar a possibilidade do papel feminino ativo. / Traditionally reduced to an exclusive comicality impulse, the insertion of female characters in the comedies of Aristophanes was read by some historians as a concern of the playwright in ridiculing the image of Greek woman. When we dive into the reading of Lysistrata (411 BC), Thesmophoriazusae (411 BC) and Assemblywomen (392 BC), staged in the context of the Peloponnesian War and subsequent defeat of Athens, we formulated the hypothesis that the legitimate wife was represented as maintainer of the Athenian city, since we perceive the emphasis in her civic importance as a righteous vehicle of criticism in Aristophanes‘ plots. In problematizing the occurrences and political decisions of his period, the playwright did it inserting active women in his plots; they were responsible for advising their husbands on what they judged to be harmful to the polis. By the law of Pericles, valid since the middle of the fifth century BC, these active women were committed to reproducing Athenian citizens, contributing to the maintenance of the classical democratic logic. In our view, the poet shows the acting and intervening facet of the feminine precisely because it was based on the legitimacy citizenship transmission. Based on the analysis of the textual documentation and on Gender History, we intend to understand the feminine participation, specifically of the legitimate wives, in the Athenian society of the fifth and beginning of the fourth centuries BC, by problematizing the relation between the feminine and the masculine, as well as emphasizing the possibility of the active feminine role. / 2015/08263-6

O engano, enquanto reflexo da realidade, está representado em diversos gêneros literários e na literatura de várias épocas. Este trabalho analisa, primariamente, os antecedentes míticos, o léxico e a estrutura dramática dos enganos mencionados ou encenados em todas as tragédias conhecidas de Eurípides, completas ou fragmentárias. Precede a análise um breve estudo da teoria comportamental do engano e de sua presença na literatura antiga, notadamente a da Grécia (dos poemas homéricos até o fim do século -V), e um excurso sobre o engano na poesia pré-euripidiana e sua influência na tragédia grega. A última parte do estudo compreende uma sistematização da estrutura do engano euripidiano e de seu léxico. / Deception, as a reflex of our reality, can be found in many literary genres and literary compositions of all times. This work deals primarily with the mythical antecedents and with lexical and dramatical structure of deceits briefly described or staged in all known Euripides complete or fragmentary tragedies. A study on behavioral deception theory and its presence in ancient literature, specially in Greece from homeric poems until the fifth century B.C., with an excursus on deception in pre-euripidean poetry and its influence in Greek tragedy precedes the analysis. A systemization of lexical and structural characteristics of euripidean deception completes the study.

This study explores the Greeks' experience of the Dioskouroi before the arrival of the Romans, stimulated by Cicero's assertion (Cic. Nat.D. 3.15(39)) that by his time they were worshipped widely in Greece, possibly more than the Olympians: from the archaeological evidence, a surprising claim. The task is complicated by the brothers' different incarnations in different places and at different times, and the variability and patchiness of the evidence for the period, from Homeric times to c. 146 BC. To address this (explained in Chapter 1), the study is designed around examining the evidence in selected locations over time, with an underlying theme of comparing the archaeological with the literary evidence, much of which is Roman. An overview of the evidence from literature, images and buildings sets the stage (Chapter 2). The association of Kastor and Polydeukes with 'Lakedaimon' in the literature, from Homer onwards, led the study to focus primarily on Sparta and the Peloponnese (Chapter 3), looking closely also at Sparta's near neighbours, Messene and Argos. It then looks at evidence from Thera, Kyrene and Naukratis (Chapter 4), in order to include some of the earliest material evidence we have of cult of the Dioskouroi in Greek settlements, which also have associations with Sparta and Lakonia; evidence from Thasos is included too. The final chapter considers the findings and assesses the usefulness of the methodology. The paucity of architectural evidence for major monuments and buildings specifically dedicated to the Dioskouroi, except in centres where Greeks gathered from different places for trade or religious reasons, may be explained if the primary location of their cult was the individual household, buildings only being needed for dedications to the brothers by Greeks away from home. It could also explain the seeming mismatch between Cicero's statement and the archaeological record.

L’objectif général de cette thèse est de montrer qu’il est possible de révéler l’idéologie qui caractérise un discours, en se fondant sur son étude sémantique et en s’attachant à la description détaillée des mots de la langue. Dans cette perspective, nous nous sommes intéressée au discours des théoriciens de l’Antiquité Grecque lorsqu’ils ont décrit le phénomène musical. Les premiers témoignages concernant les rapports entre la musique et les mathématiques proviennent des écrits pythagoriciens. Les auteurs de la Grèce Classique de nous les plus connus, Platon, Aristote et son disciple Aristoxène en particulier, s’exprimèrent bien souvent au sujet de la musique en tenant compte de ce qu’ils savaient des théories pythagoriciennes à ce sujet, que ce soit pour les suivre, les développer ou au contraire, les critiquer. Quel que soit leur point de vue, ils constituent pour nous la source permettant de reconstruire les théories pythagoriciennes. L’engouement pour la théorie et ses structures abstraites, inspirées de l’essor des premières mathématiques constitue une caractéristique des discours sur la musique que nous étudions. Pour angle d’approche, notre travail pluridisciplinaire s’est efforcé de contribuer à une meilleure connaissance du rôle des opposés ὀξύς [oxus] et βάρυς [barus] dans la construction d’un savoir proprement musical comme dans les premières pierres d’un savoir scientifique et philosophique dans l’Antiquité grecque. Pour mieux comprendre le rôle de ces mots, nous utilisons, sur la langue grecque ancienne, le modèle de description sémantique proposée par la Sémantique des Points de Vue, sémantique dont l’objectif est de mettre au jour l’idéologie cristallisée dans les mots de la langue. / The general objective of this thesis is to show that the ideology characterizing a discourse can be revealed by its semantic study and, more precisely by the detailed description of the words of the language in which this discourse is uttered. With this objective in mind, we have worked on the texts of the Greek Antiquity theoreticians in which they describe the musical phenomenon. The first testimonies about the relationship between music and mathematics can be found in the Pythagorean texts. When the best-known authors Plato, Aristotle and more particularly his disciple Aristoxenus wrote about music, they drew their inspiration from what they knew of the Pythagorean theories, either to follow and develop them or, on the contrary, to criticize them. Whatever their position on the matter, they form the source from which the Pythagorean theories can be reconstructed. The craze for theory and abstract structures, inspired by the development of the first mathematics constitutes a striking feature of the discourses on music we study. We have chosen to envisage the corpus with a multidisciplinary approach to further comprehend the role of the opposites oxus and barus in the building of the musical knowledge, as well as in the construction of the scientific and philosophic knowledge in ancient Greece. In order to better understand the role of these words, we use the Viewpoints Semantics, whose main goal is to systematically reveal the ideology crystallized in the words of natural languages.

In the ancient religious imagination, catastrophic events – plagues, droughts, natural disasters – were frequently seen as manifestations of divine wrath that necessitated extraordinary ritual responses to quell. These responses frequently consisted in intensified forms of sacred violence, the most extreme of which was human sacrifice. The corpus of Greek literature is rife with myths of human sacrifice. In spite of this rich mythic repertoire, Greek artists produced scenes of human sacrifice rather infrequently and drew upon an extremely restricted range of subjects. The extant corpus of human sacrificial images totals fewer than 50 specimens and almost all of them feature the maidens Polyxena or Iphigeneia as the victim. In the Archaic era (700-480 BCE), painters and sculptors were almost exclusively interested in the sacrificial fate of Polyxena. Archaic representations of Polyxena’s sacrifice are remarkable for their overt treatment of the physical violence to which the maiden was subjected, in some cases going so far as to visualize the blood gushing forth from her perforated neck. Interest in the violent and gory aspect of the sacrificial ritual diminishes in the closing decades of the Archaic period. The title of the proposed talk, bad blood, has a twofold sense; both senses refer to the underlying subject of belief and to the main arguments of this paper: The first sense is idiomatic and indicative: Polyxena’s sacrifice was a matter of bad blood, since it resulted from the need to placate the wroth and aggrieved ghost of Achilles, who denied the Greeks safe passage home until he was granted the spoils due to him (cf. Eur. Hek. 35-44; Quint. Smyr 14.324-338). The second, more literal sense is interrogative: To wit, was the shedding of Polyxena’s blood bad per se? While Greek authors of the Classical period and beyond suggest that human sacrifice was universally condemned as an unthinkably barbaric offense and a violation of ritual norms, earlier extant literary sources offer no such clear ruling. However, this situation changes when the small yet iconographically remarkable group of pre-Classical visual representations of human sacrifice are considered. In these images, one may detect a diversity of attitudes or positions on the ritual of human sacrifice, individual as well as collective, that range from acceptance to outright repudiation. This range of attitudes is not, however, neatly confined to the proverbial frame of the image or the mythical context of the event. Like the mythic cast of characters, contemporary ancient viewers were meant to participate in the discursive dynamic, bringing their individual beliefs and attitudes to bear on the scene and its significance. In other words, these representations imply a multiplicity of attitudes (and the beliefs that inform them) among the implied viewers of these artworks.

No description available.